Address by COSATU General Secretary, Zwelinzima Vavi,

to the 7th National Congress of NUMSA, 21 September - 2004
 


Zwelinzima Vavi, General Secretary, COSATU
Members of the National Executive Committee;
National Office Bearers;
Distinguished guests;

Comrade delegates;

I consider the invitation to come and speak to this 9th NUMSA NC a rare honour. From the bottom of my heart I wish to express my gratitude to address the parliament of the metal workers.

Comrades and friends it is not an exaggeration or empty talk to say that your Congress is timely.
Twelve months ago, the watershed and historic eight National Congress of COSATU, in this very hall, met and adopted the 2015 programme to consolidate working class power for quality jobs towards 2015. Five months ago, we held general elections. Both of these events reflected the strength of our movement and increased ability to define strategic interventions.

This year marks the tenth anniversary of our new democratic dispensation. The last ten years were marked by important advances in the struggle for democracy and socialism. The foundations for a truly non-racial, non-sexist and democratic society were laid. Yet, it was also a time where the working class faced many challenges and waged significant battles to defend and advances its interests.

Over the last few months NUMSA like many of our unions has been waging struggles to improve the workers lot at the workplace. These struggles are important in building the confidence of the workers as agents of social change.
Congress affords you an opportunity to evaluate the effectiveness of our strategies and develop strategies that would consolidate our movement forward. It also affords an opportunity to reflect on the advances and setbacks since your last congress.
Today, I want to focus on three themes:

It has come to our attention that this may be the penultimate make or break Congress as two groups vie for the leadership of the union. As the leadership of the Federation we have since learnt of dirty tricks campaigns that signal deep divisions within the union. Naturally we are disturbed by the real possibility that this Congress may represent a step back in the democratic trade union movement.
The union is our only weapon against the class rule of the bourgeoisie and unity in that context is sacrosanct. Indeed it will be a sad day if this Congress, instead of taking the union to new heights; results in a split or paralyse the union. If such a scenario were to become a reality, only our class enemy will benefit.

Whenever a union is engulfed in internal squabbles workers suffer the naked brutality of the employers. Employers will not hesitate to occupy the space and deal a decisive blow to the union and further deepen the woes that the movement faces.
I am here to passionately appeal for calm and unity whatever the democratically determined outcome of the Congress. Let us not be blinded by narrow self-interests and shortsightedness. To destroy the union in our quest for positions is tantamount to cutting our noses to spite our face – a very counterproductive move.

Leadership contest can be a sign of maturity and vibrant internal democracy and may offer an opportunity to elect the best among our cadres to take the union forward. We are concerned that this may not be the case in this Congress, which is witnessing two camps contesting all positions for national leadership. We are devastated to learn that again there are two slates coming to this Congress. Moreover, the fights are clearly being personalised and politicised in divisive ways.

This is a recurrence of what happened in the previous Congress held four years ago. We had hoped that this type of divisions ended in that congress. Obviously we were wrong. Our own assessment of events yesterday suggests that this congress is at the worst state than four years ago.

Building unity is always a challenge for the labour movement. The basis of our power, after all, is unity. As individuals, every worker is at the mercy of the bosses. At the same time, we want to strengthen democracy. That means we cannot simply paper over differences. But we need to carry forward our debates in ways that build our movement.

What are the implications of a real commitment to unity and to democracy?

First, we cannot seek to undermine an elected leadership – this applies to the current leadership and the leadership you will elect in the congress. We must respect our members’ choices. Once our members elect someone, we must work with that person to build the union. Divisions and splitting can only weaken all of us.

Second, building unity means we must not personalise disputes, going after individuals rather than taking issue with their concrete arguments, strategy or tactics. Labelling people as ultra left or rightist, as radical or too close to the ANC, does not help us deal with the concrete problems our members face on the ground. It does not help us build our unions, stop retrenchments or improve workers’ conditions.
Third, the labour movement can only keep its strength if we judge leaders and events with one measure: workers’ interests, needs and demands. We cannot continually debate abstract and narrow ideological points or fight over power and leadership positions for their own sake.

Unions are not political parties, but organisations of workers uniting to protect their interests. While we need a coherent and strong political and ideological perspective, no real union leader can afford to be sectarian and intolerant of differences within a broad left perspective. An attempt to impose a pure political line always risks splitting a trade union. NUMSA’s strength has been how it manages the debates internally. It has managed to present united positions at the public levels even though we knew internally these positions were a compromise.

Finally, no sincere activists will run to the press to discredit opponents. The press is not there to communicate with our members, but rather aims to sell newspapers and advertising space. They will definitely sensationalise and build a negative image of the labour movement as a whole.

Those engaging in such activities are enemies of progress and unity, wittingly or unwittingly they are working with our enemies. They undermine members’ confidence and trust in the organisation by casting doubt on the ability of the union to manage workers affairs and finances. The leadership must deal with such divisive forces and also ensure that we address weaknesses within our ranks, by continuing to ensure proper financial accounting and controls.

There is no demonstrable evidence that the space to air problems internally has been closed. In any event, the Federation exists to assist unions and members and for that reason it should have been approached a long time ago if people felt that their grievances were not being addressed. This dirty tricks campaign smacks of sheer electioneering rather than a genuine attempt to raise and resolve workers’ issues.
Despite the fact that this type of press manipulation hurts all workers, recent years have seen allegations of corruption in the media before the congresses of six of our affiliates. It is absolutely not acceptable to fight bloody union battles in the public eye, damaging the image of entire labour movement. Blowing the whistle on wrongdoing should be encouraged, but our credibility would be enhanced and not tarnished if we raised issues within our structures or with the federation. Running to the media on the eve of the congress is suspect.

The Treasurer informed us that he twice received death threats on the eve of this congress. Whoever chose to use death threats to intimidate opponents from attending this congress was out of order. This type of rogue politics is absolutely foreign from our movement. This is a movement for all paid up members and it is not the private property of a cabal. Those responsible should be pursued and dealt with accordingly.

I must confess that the federation have been caught with its pants down about this state of affairs. We have interacted with the NUMSA commission and will submit a report to the NEC tonight. But the real issues we should have been asked to look at, as COSATU were not in the terms of reference.

Comrades at this stage we can only endorse the sentiments expressed by the ANC Secretary General and SACP Deputy General Secretary on unity. COSATU is not going to interfere with internal democratic process. But rest assured that we will deal decisively with any attempts to split the union and undermine democracy.

Democracy MUST prevail AND dirty campaigning will not be allowed. I urge all of you to respect internal democratic processes and the outcome that will be democratically determined. Moreover, I urge that we focus on all challenges facing the union and NOT reduce this congress into a one-sided focus on elections.

Do not forget that COSATU needs a united NUMSA next week. The working class require a strong and vibrant NUMSA post this congress. The Alliance needs NUMSA that plays its historic role. Above all members demand of us that we act responsibly and preserve the only weapon they have. Jabulile Ndlovu, Phenius Sibiya, Mbuyiselo Ngwenda and countless other heroes and heroines are watching to see whether you will destroy what they built. You cannot afford to disappoint their expectation whatever happens – others wise the history will judge you very harshly.

We plan a major intervention following Congress, in line with COSATU resolutions, to support constructive change. Whoever wins the elections must accept that COSATU as a whole will not accept purges or sectarian divisions that only reduce our strength.
NUMSA has always been one of the central pillars of our movement. It has led the way in terms of organisational development, workplace struggles and ideological clarity. The history of NUMSA must not be seen from what is happening in this 7th National Congress or the past four years. It goes beyond the seventeen years we are celebrating.

NUMSA has provided strong support to the Federation in key policy engagements, especially around skills development, industrial strategy and at NEDLAC. The 2015 Programme focuses on sectoral engagements to alleviate unemployment, with an emphasis on sector strategies.
NUMSA’s work on the metal sector, including the long-drawn-out but critical sector summits has been exemplary. Above all, we have appreciated NUMSA’s strong efforts to involve shop stewards and ordinary members, both through an extensive educational campaign and in developing demands.

Of all COSATU affiliates, NUMSA has had a history of robust debate and difference without undermining the strength and unity of the union. This history reflects the position of metalworkers at the core of the industrial proletariat. In the course of this Congress, you must reflect on how you can strengthen and take forward NUMSA’s traditions of democracy, debate and unity.
Since the last Congress, you have made progress in terms of your financial situation, with reserves replacing the deficits seen at the last Congress. But the fact remains that the union must continue to deal with the challenges of downsizing in manufacturing. That places continual pressure on organisers and shop stewards to respond to restructuring. In the absence of a recruitment drive, it can cause a serious loss of membership.

The central task facing this Congress is to ensure that NUMSA continue to play this role into the future. We cannot overemphasise the importance of this duty, or exaggerate your responsibility not just to your members, but also to the working class as a whole. We dare not fail in our efforts to cement the strength and unity of NUMSA in the years and decades following this critical Congress.
The destiny of this vibrant union is in your hands make sure you take it to new height. On your shoulders rest a heavy responsibility to rise above petty squabbles to forge unity and clarity of purpose for battles that lie ahead.

Comrades and friends,
Earlier this year our people renewed the democratic mandate to the ANC, with an increased majority. The ANC now governs in all provinces and has also increased its majority in a number of municipalities. The opposition has been decimated and the architect of apartheid the NNP lies on the floor lifeless.

This decisive breakthrough has continued to tilt the balance of forces in favour of the ANC-led democratic movement. It means the ANC has a historic opportunity to deepen and advance the struggle for social change; otherwise this will be a hollow victory.
This was indeed a working class victory as workers were at the forefront of the election campaign. The programmatic basis on which we contested the elections points to some general direction about what needs to be done. The manifesto was predicated on popular mobilisation; the centrality of the state to drive the development; and creating work and eradicating poverty. Undoubtedly, the mandate given to the ANC is to address the problems of the working class – the overwhelming majority of our people.

Our people have voted for change and not a business as usual approach. They demand to see an improvement in their lives. For that reason, we must do everything possible and address all obstacles to the realisation of the vision of halving unemployment and significantly reducing poverty. That requires a rigorous interrogation of all programmes and policies against these objectives.

We must work with our comrades in government to realise the aspirations of our people and to maximise the democratic space for our transformation agenda. This calls for the intensification of the struggle on all fronts. We must mount an offensive against capital, which constitute a major stumbling block to progress.

This also demands unity of purpose within the democratic movement and consistent involvement and mobilisation of our base. Our people are the only defence we have against the agenda of capital and we need to harness this social power in such a way that it creates more spaces to wield state power. The democratic movement must share a common perspective on the strategic tasks facing us and seek to unify and mobilise our people behind such a vision.

We worked in the most exemplary manner and ensured that the democratic movement led by the Alliance wins the historic mandate. We have to ensure that the political and organisational space we won leads to qualitative shift in how the Alliance functions and secondly how we engage in the next five years. In essence this must translate into tangible improvements in the lives of our people.

We must build on progress over the last ten years and defend the victories we have scored since then. To that end, the alliance summit planned for the end of the year is crucial in shaping a common vision and programme for change and popular mobilisation.
We must learn from the past. The Alliance, unlike before, must ensure that the unity built during the elections campaign survives long into the post-elections period. The subtle but important difference on how we conceptualise the elections must be laid to rest and we must be united in the common search for solutions and avenues to advance the struggle.

The good relationships including at the personal levels should not end with hugging and shaking of hands in occasional public platforms. These relations must develop into strategic organisational relations to transform society. It must change fundamentally how government leaders relate to all components – it must be characterized by maximum consultation and more conscious appreciation that the peoples contract starts with a stronger Alliance.

I am worried that in a way we have not been able to maintain the dynamic contact with our people. That contact was critical in mobilising our people. That two-way education process is critical for our revolution. Leaders who do not keep a dynamic contact feel isolated and therefore weak and distrustful of its own its own base. Equally, for the masses of our people nothing is more satisfying than to feel that the leadership is neither aloof nor ill informed about the challenges they face.

I do not doubt that there has been a shift towards more developmental policies even before the elections in government policies. Our challenge is not to deny, overemphasize or exaggerate these shifts. It is the struggle of the working class that shaped the shifts in approach. As COSATU, we are proud that we helped bring about the new realism in government strategies.
We realise, however, that government still faces huge amounts of pressure from big business and international powers to revert to a more conservative approach.

This pressure underlies the obvious inconsistencies, especially in economic policy. It means that COSATU must continue to engage vigorously to ensure policies that favour workers and the poor in general.
Our main policy concerns arise where government has not consistently prioritised the creation and retention of quality jobs. Let me repeat what I said when addressing the SACTWU 9th National Congress last week. Government takes too long before it makes intervention that would help it realise its vision and goals.

It always starts by denying that there is a problem. Then it follows by sitting on the problem by thinking that it would resolve itself. When it decides to intervene it is generally too little to late. This indecisiveness plays into the hands of our opponents and sometimes squanders opportunities to decisively intervene and drive our agenda. The coming period requires a robust, nimble and vigilant approach to ensure that our programmes are not undermined.

We pointed out that the reduction of tariffs even faster than required would hurt our developmental goals and worsen unemployment. We warned that failure to develop an active industrial strategy in the wake of the integration of our economy to the world economies would leave us open and vulnerable instead of helping to create quality jobs.
We repeatedly pointed out that the strength of our currency in the context of our externally oriented economy would have devastating effects on jobs in the manufacturing sector. We pointed out that capital would not lead development no matter how much we tried to make conditions conducive for investment.

Only the state can lead investment and crowed in private investment. Only the state has delivered in the past ten years. We are now warning that the bilateral trade negotiations in particular with countries we have huge trade deficits with would further worsen our unemployment situation.

This congress must help provide us with concrete strategies of how we can get our voices heard more systematically in these critical debates. It is in this context that the question what needs to be done is posed. We need an integrated development strategy that can articulate the following:

Pursuing structural change to the economy will require engagement with capital and in that regard we need to be much more consistent about restructuring. The question is how will we get change in behaviour that will lead to private capital increasing investment and shifting from focus on the safe havens, which are not creating employment on a large scale.

We are encouraged by the positive signs emerging from within the state on a number of fronts. The programme outlined by the President in his state of the nation address points to several positive steps. Politically, we need to ensure that the shifts in government policy are shaped by the alliance as a whole rather than unilaterally by the state. This is the only way we can ensure broad support and mobilisation of our constituency.
One of the challenges we face is to keep capital on the back foot. Left of the hook capital would pay lip service to investment, job creation/retention and addressing inequalities.

In this context, COSATU has resolved to redouble its efforts on the jobs and poverty campaign, linked to the commitment to a People’s Contract to Create Jobs and Fight Poverty.
Comrades and friends,

Last week at the SACTWU congress I raised an issue for a debate in the structures of the democratic movement. I want to raise in summary the issues again at this NUMSA congress.
The overwhelming majority of our cadres in parliament, in government, in the bureaucracy, in the trade union movement continue to carry forward the best of our traditions and cultures. They under trying conditions are doing the best they could to serve our people with honest and dedication.

These cadres in their hundreds of thousands have kept the traditions of solidarity, selflessness and putting our people first high on the agenda of the transformation.
Having said that it would be however be a mistake not to take note that some of our cadres at all levels have not responded to the call of our movement for moral regeneration and the true spirit of batho pele. Madiba recently addressing the annual Steve Biko memorial lecture raised the need to overcome crass materialism, which is replacing the solidarity that historically informed our struggle. President Thabo Mbeki has on countless occasions pointed sharply raised the problem of corruption within our ranks. Repeatedly called on those who joined the ANC for material gains instead of serving our people to leave the movement.

Certainly the transition to democracy brings a host of new economic as well as social and political opportunities for our people. The question is how we manage these opportunities to ensure a positive outcome for society as a whole.
A number of questions arise for thorough discussion within COSATU, the Alliance, and the broader democratic movement. These are:

  • How can we end competition amongst our leaders around consumption – who has the biggest house, car or vacation - and return to competition around service, solidarity and activism? How do we put an end to this big hurry to get rich faster and quickly? How do we stop use of political office to pursue wealth and opulence? How can we stop discrediting of politics in the eye of ordinary people if political office translate into living way beyond the people that put us in the office in the first class.
  • Corruption will soon become endemic unless we drive active campaign against it. Yet we know too often that the media and the opposition dramatise stories that are proven later to have been incorrect. But we know where there is smoke there is often fire. Corruption would only be ended by creation of strong ANC, SACP, COSATU and organ of people’s power. Only ordinary people can make a difference. The challenge is how do we empower ordinary people to fight corruption.
  • At a practical level, if an individual has substantial private business interests, can she or he realistically carry out full-time service obligations in government or in unions? There is a problem where people are simply distracted from their core work by their investments.
  • Finally, and most fundamentally, how do new opportunities for ownership affect the class position and interests of our leaders? Class position is not defined only by ownership. Rather, it relates to the entire complex of economic interests and integration into social groups. Above all, then, how can we ensure that our leaders in the unions, government, service organisation and other structures maintain organic links to workers and the poor, even if they no longer share workers’ economic and social conditions in the townships, informal settlements, villages and farms?

At what point and how does investment in private enterprise change the class interest of those involved?

  • Another fundamental question arises. Are the salaries the society pays to its public representatives not adequate? If they are adequate why then it seem that it is becoming a norm that public representatives also have all manner of activities to earn more money? COSATU has longed argued that our public representatives are remunerated adequately.

The answers to these questions should underpin a discussion on whether there are fair and viable limits to entrepreneurial activity by people in service or leadership positions. Moreover, they should help evaluate and concretise proposals around mechanisms to maintain our leaders’ integration into working class, such as imbizos, door-to-door mobilisation, and participation in to local meetings, or establishment of ANC and SACP units in government departments.

COSATU hopes to work with the Alliance to launch a discussion that reaches down to all our local structures. To support this discussion, we will draft a discussion document. We hope that deliberations at this Congress will contribute to that document. We don’t have all the answers. But the challenges are certainly clear enough.
We plan a major conference at the end of the year, to enable us to reflect on ten years of democracy. The labour movement and the country have experienced huge changes in the past ten years. Our members are at the forefront when it comes to transforming the economy. We must work together to assess these changes, evaluate progress and setbacks, and build on our 2015 programme to chart a way forward.

In addition, the coming year – COSATU’s 20th Anniversary - will make many demands on us.
First, we must urgently begin to prepare for the local government elections. We need to use that process both to consolidate our victories of this year, and to ensure that the people have a voice through the campaign as well as the elections themselves.
Second, COSATU has a Central Committee in the coming year. As usual, that requires substantial preparations as we reflect in depth on critical issues affecting our movement.

Finally, COSATU will launch recruitment as a core COSATU campaign for next year, as a critical part of the build up to our 20th Anniversary. To guide the campaign, we have translated the Congress resolution on recruitment into a plan that was adopted at CEC.
In line with this plan, NUMSA is expected to grow by at least 3% in the coming year, or 6000 members. This is not a very heavy target – but COSATU will increase targets for recruitment from 3% next year to 10% a year from 2006. Overall, the 2015 plan calls on COSATU to increase membership to four million by 2009.

That means most of our affiliates will also have to double in size – a real challenge for all of us. The plan also emphasises the importance of establishing COSATU affiliates as the dominant, ideally the only, union in each sector. This Congress should explore strategies for achieving this aim, either through redoubled recruitment efforts or by securing mergers with unions in the metals industry.

Our recruitment plan foresees more consistent efforts to link recruitment to service delivery. We cannot hope to grow unless our members see real value in participating. Again, this area of organisational development should be reviewed by your Congress.
I hope that I have sufficiently mapped the challenges facing the trade union movement and the democratic movement as a whole. This congress must contribute to the build of a vibrant democratic trade union movement and build the confidence of the working class to advance the struggle for socialism. I have confidence that you will be equal to the twin task of building the organisation and developing strategies to create employment as we march towards 2015.

Let me close by wishing you all the best for this important Congress. We cannot imagine COSATU without NUMSA in the lead. We know you will succeed in defining strategies to maintain NUMSA’s strong organisation and effective policy engagement. This Congress will certainly help ensure that NUMSA continues to play a leading role in our Federation and our country.

Amandla
Long live the unity of metal workers