Driving to Durban in two battered combies, CWIU's Transvaal delegates to Cosatu's Inaugural Congress talked of the new federation. What would it be like? Who would lead the federation? What will happen to our Fosatu traditions of worker control and shopfloor strength? Would it get off the ground given major differences. Would the regime let it happen?
These and many more questions occupied the delegates on that long uncomfortable journey (despite the stop for Kentucky Fried Chicken - standard fare on route to Durban for meetings). Very little had been pre-arranged or pre-negotiated. So, delegates were genuinely unsure who would be put forward for general secretary, president or even whether the federation would be born. We were entering the unknown.
What emerged from the Congress?
A giant? Yes! A very large organisation compared to any previous South African federation, with credibility, a fighting spirit, and the potential power to challenge employers and the apartheid state.
A unified giant? Yes and no! It was a miracle to have succeeded in bringing together 33 unions with different traditions and priorities. But underlying divisions and tensions remained.
A political animal? Yes! Despite accusations of certain unions being apolitical and workerist and others being populist and nationalist, all unions were committed to the federation taking an active and leading role in the political struggle.
A fighter for workers? Yes! Demands of the living wage campaign were fought for under conditions of extreme opposition from employers and the state and brought major benefits for large numbers of SA workers.
Merging cultures and traditions
Different strands of the 'progressive' trade union movement came together into Cosatu. From the Fosatu stable, the CWIU, for example, was committed to strong shopfloor-based unionism. Painstaking factory by factory organisation was the norm, as was a deep commitment to worker control and a socialist political ideology. Gawu and Saawu were from another tradition. Emerging in the 1980s with a militant community-based stand and open allegiance to the UDF and ANC, they were critical of the ex-Fosatu unions' so-called 'workerism'.
Over the years these positions mellowed and merged, but not before endless debates and political fights. Through these processes, unions learned from each other, modified positions and made compromises resulting in unified Cosatu positions. This was assisted by the process of mergers that continued (and still continues) throughout the decade with 33 unions merging into the ten broadly-based industrial unions.
By the 1994 elections, Cosatu was united in its political support for the ANC and had reached a stage of political maturity where the majority view prevailed, and differences could be accommodated.
Changing membership
At Cosatu's launch, the delegates were largely male (except from unions like Sadwu and Ccawusa, now Saccawu). They were mostly urban African manual workers employed by the private sector, and migrant workers. The few white delegates were all union officials. The Congress officially adopted a non-racial, non-sexist character.
For several years the racial and class character of the federation remained similar to that of the Founding Congress, given that the federation organised from the bottom up, focussing on the most oppressed and exploited groupings.
However, changes were taking place slowly, accelerating rapidly in the 1990s.
Firstly, black women, as the most oppressed grouping, were not represented in leadership positions in proportion to their numbers. However, a progressive resolution was taken which paved the way for women members to advance within the federation. This was, and is, an extremely difficult task. But progress has been made. Cosatu now has a woman vice-president.
Secondly, as increasing numbers of workers flocked from all parts of the country to join Cosatu, the racial composition, whilst remaining majority African, began to reflect more closely South Africa's working class population. However, only recently, has Cosatu increasingly involved white workers.
In addition, Cosatu's organisational tentacles began to reach out to the rural areas - the old bantustans, farms and forests. The recent formation of Saapawu is also shifting the balance of urban/rural workers.
Alongside the changing racial composition of membership has been an increase in white-collar membership. In 1985, workers would never have believed that teachers and bank officials would join Cosatu.
Even more unbelievable to Cosatu members, given repression and the enmity towards the policeforce in the days of apartheid, would have been the thought of soldiers, prison warders, and policemen becoming Cosatu members! Yet today one of Cosatu's most active and militant unions is Popcru.
Particularly dramatic has been the increase in Cosatu's public sector membership. With the rapid growth of Nehawu and Samwu and the affiliation of Sadtu, public workers now account for 19% of Cosatu's membership (before Institute for Public Servants affiliated).
Public sector workers have similar and different concerns to those of industrial workers and miners. Until now, their legal position and their relationship with government is different (and difficult). Thus Cosatu has had to broaden its scope of concern, for example, the Education Department has had to revise its courses for organisers and shopstewards to accommodate the needs of public sector workers.
Concerns old and new
In 1985, workers and the unions had two clear enemies - the government and the bosses. Things were tough, but much simpler. Workers were clear. Cosatu was clear. They knew how to fight, taking to the streets when necessary, and what their goals were - to overthrow the government; put in place a workers' government; fight for recognition and high wages and never eat with the bosses (literally - when employers invited CWIU to have lunch, they declined and went off to buy fish and chips at the local cafe).
Then came 1990. The possibility of a worker-friendly government, with workers being a part of it, became a reality. What was Cosatu's role now? Whilst day-to-day shop floor work continued, Cosatu increasingly got drawn into policy-making forums - opening the way for the federation to extend the influence of workers into government. Cosatu's influence spread - into the ANC decision-making bodies, the World Trade Centre; and into strategic and formerly secret industries such as oil, petrol and electricity. These were the years of the forums, working groups and task forces.
Cosatu had come of age. It was a legitimate social partner with a direct voice to the central state and the big shots of business.
Like all change, there are positive and negative impacts for workers and trade unions. The power to influence economic, legal and political policy issues gives Cosatu the chance to represent workers and working class people in decision-making forums. But, in doing so, there is a real danger that Cosatu loses one of its greatest strengths - its shopfloor power, insistence on worker control and democracy and the close relationship between members and leaders.
Cosatu is in the process of forging a new character. It will hopefully emerge with the positive characteristics of the "old Cosatu" blended into a new and dynamic form, ready to face the challenges of the new South Africa.
Chris Bonner, CWIU