A growing culture of worker control and democracy has taken root. Although membership and leadership are now more non-racial in character in the federation as a whole, in many affiliates there is an under-representation of shopstewards from the ranks of "coloured", Indian and white workers.
We have also not made enough progress in electing more women shopstewards, and shopstewards from less-skilled workers. On the whole though, our dream of a strong, non-racial federation, representative of all the strata that make up our membership, is closer to realisation. More professional and white-collar workers are starting to join: teachers, nurses, civil servants and finance workers. This trend will continue as our federation sensitises itself to the needs of those occupations we traditionally did not represent, including engineers, pilots and land surveyors.
The decline of the manufacturing sector will compel further mergers, such as those involving Num, Numsa, Ppwawu, CWIU and Fawu. Public and service sector unions will continue to grow rapidly. Cosatu needs to prepare strategies to strengthen unions like Saccawu, and prepare them to organise what will be a very difficult industry. Some white workers will join Cosatu, not so much to defend broader working class interests, but to thwart programmes like affirmative action. However, the majority will join because they will realise that a white skin no longer ensures privilege. Once they are in Cosatu, we must develop programmes to re-orientate their thinking to that of their class brothers and sisters. There is a real possibility that the militancy of the early twentieth century will return.
Implementing back to basics
In the campaign Cosatu wants to reaffirm the traditions of:
Leadership/membership gap
This gap is apparent at all levels of our organisation. Between the Nedlac negotiations and the leadership, between national and regional leadership, between regional and branch/local leadership, between local leadership and shopstewards, and between shopstewards and members. There are too few people who are knowledgeable about our movement. This reliance on just a few comrades widens the gaps as those who seem to know everything are often not taken to task about their activities or comments.
Demarcation of Cosatu
The pressures brought about by changes in the industries where we organise has a direct bearing on how Cosatu demarcates itself. The 1994 national congress instructed Cosatu's Central Executive Committee (CEC) to re-demarcate the unions based on the principle of one union, one industry. The CEC has since asked the national organisers' forum to make a recommendation in this regard. It will hopefully present its report to the March 1996 CEC.
Changes will be influenced by the changing nature of industries, prospects for growth, the relative demise of the manufacturing sector, the growth of service industries and international trends.
Structures
The structures established by our founding congress appear to be adequate, except for the locals. We need to look at the role of locals, and check whether it is feasible to constitutionally prescribe the number of shopstewards per affiliate to attend Cosatu local meetings. The current structure allows for maximum representation of affiliates in constitutional structures. However, as regional membership expands, it is becoming too expensive and unwieldy to have the number of delegates we do. The membership of the Wits region is 450,000 and 1400 delegates are eligible to attend their regional congresses. We will have to think of ways of trimming down numbers without sacrificing the principle of representation on the basis of paid-up membership.
Trade union unity
Countless resolutions of Cosatu congresses and Workers' Summits have not been implemented. A joint executive meeting of Cosatu, Nactu and Fedsal mandated the secretariats of the three federations to prepare a discussion paper. This has also not materialised.
Our affiliates also have enormous challenges in this regard. Attempts by Cosatu affiliates to intitiate unity with unions in Nactu and Fedsal have not borne fruit.
However, the relationship between the three is on an upward curve and unity in action is on the increase. Fedsal participated in the recent LRA campaign. The three federations frequently present a united position in structures such as Nedlac and the National Training Board.
The three are also working together in setting up a trade union institute that will play a key role in capacity-building in the future.
These are indications that unity is within reach. Our challenge in the coming years is how to translate our unity in action into "one federation, one country".
Nedlac
Cosatu's October CEC strategy workshop identified three priorities:
Social plan
South Africa's signing of the GATT agreement means that tariff protection must be phased out. Cosatu believes that this should be combined with a programme of retraining workers to prepare for possible job losses. The federation is alarmed that while GATT makes provision for a 12-year phasing out period, the government wants to do this in eight years.
Privatisation
Cosatu remains opposed to the wholesale privatisation of state assets. Any privatisation must be based on the balance of evidence. The federation has called for a moratorium on unilateral restructuring and insists that trade unions and other affected constituencies must be consulted.
Public sector restructuring
The public sector should be restructured to reflect the entire South African community in terms of gender and race and must accommodate sections of society previously marginalised by the apartheid government.
Rationalisation should follow a full audit of the public service, including former homeland administrations. We are concerned that some rationalisation has already taken place without a prior audit.
The federation is opposed to rationalisation through attrition. This could lead to key and strategic positions being left vacant and undermine the government's ability to meet its priorities such as implementing the RDP and clamping down on crime and violence.
Role of Cosatu in the transformation process
Over the years, Cosatu has been part of the broad liberation movement through its alliances with, among others, the UDF, youth congresses, and the civics. Our role now cannot be the same as in the period before the 1994 elections. The federation's new political role is to deepen democracy and to transform the institutions of power to allow for participation by Cosatu and society as a whole.
The second key role is to defend the gains of our revolution. The goals of the national democratic revolution (NDR) have not yet all been realised. We do not yet have majority rule, instead we have a government of national unity. There is also still power-sharing at provincial and local government levels, despite the recent local government elections. We are in a transition to complete the transfer of power from the minority to the majority.
Cosatu's watchdog role
Cosatu is an independent organisation. We cherish our independence. If we lose our independence, if we unwittingly become a transmission belt of the ANC in government, or of the SACP outside of government, we will have no role to play whatsoever. We've got to play a watchdog role and remind the government and the ANC that it has been elected by the majority to implement the RDP. Together with civil society and other democratic forces, we shaped that document. To some extent we are already playing a watchdog role. On many issues, it is Cosatu that makes the most constructive criticism.
Community organisation
Cosatu took a conscious decision to strengthen civil society and what in 1987 we called 'organs of people's power'. We asked our leadership at all levels, including shopstewards and organisers, to ensure that they play a role in the establishment of these organisations. Wherever they are, Cosatu members play a role in establishing and participating in organisations of the people. We want to continue to have a strong relationship with the civic movement, with women, with the youth, students, rural organisations, the churches and so on.
Tripartite alliance
In 1991 we decided to enter into a formal strategic alliance with the ANC and SACP. Were it not for that decision, we believe South Africa would not be where it is today. We have played a major role in the alliance - in its programmes for liberation, democratisation, and for the RDP.
Cosatu has played a leading role in shaping every major programme that impacts on our society today. We have very strong relations with our alliance partners. The tripartite secretariat meets regularly. We occasionally have national summits bringing together the senior leadership of the alliance.
However, we also believe there are serious weaknesses in how the alliance works, especially since 1994. Not all of the ministries' current programmes are driven by conscious political decisions in line with RDP objectives. Papers have been produced in an attempt to address these weaknesses. These deal with "building a political centre", the challenges of reconstructing and developing our country, and how to build organisation in the post-apartheid era.
The alliance must develop a focus and direction. Each year there is a need to decide on three or four key areas our activities and programmes must give direction to, or lead transformation on. These could include areas such as education, access to land or meeting basic needs such as housing, electricity, and water. Our legislative programme and other interventions must be guided by these main focus areas for transformation. There are weaknesses, but we want to correct them. Cosatu believes that the alliance leadership has the political will to do this.
Building socialism
Cosatu remains committed to building socialism. Capitalism remains in crisis, unable to address the needs of the vast majority of people. However, socialism is not an event that will arise out of nowhere. We cannot fold our arms and wait for "the great arrival of socialism" and refuse to defend our interests just because South Africa is a capitalist state. Our priority must remain the completion of the NDR. We must plant the seeds for socialism within the womb of capitalism.
Cosatu and the RDP
We have taken a much-publicised resolution that calls on workers to discuss ways and means of giving practical support to the RDP. The intention is to ensure that workers contribute to and participate in the RDP. Since this resolution, there has been considerable debate. We have had resolutions from Num, Numsa, and Sarhwu, for example, calling for specific forms of action in support of the RDP. We want to see the bosses matching workers' contributions measure for measure.
The October 1995 CEC discussed the matter again. A proposal based on the discussions in affiliates so far will be tabled in the November 1995 Exco. We propose that our contribution to the RDP should not be confined to working on public holidays. Through our collective bargaining programmes we must push for the bosses to invest in housing, education and training, etc. For example, Potwa, through its collective bargaining strength must ensure that it meets an agreed target of new telephone line installations in rural communities. Our construction affiliate must establish its own role in housing our people. Saccawu and Sasbo must work out what they can do to ensure that the finance houses invest in new jobs, houses and services.
Relations with the GNU
Our real focus must be to ensure that the RDP delivers within agreed time-frames. We therefore seek to co-operate with the government of national unity (GNU) at all levels. A proviso is that the GNU's programmes are in line with the alliance's objectives. We will have to manage the contradictions in the best interests of our national democratic revolution and the broader working class. The GNU is a giant step towards liberation, but we are opposed to a GNU beyond 1999. Many workers look forward to 1999 as a moment of real liberation. The objectives of our NDR cannot be realised if the GNU is allowed to continue beyond 1999.
Constitution-making process
By the time we celebrate our tenth anniversary, the first draft of the new constitution will have been released. We have made submissions including our opposition to the lock-out clause, our positions on freedom of association, and closed shops. The new constitution must unite our members in the cause of unifying our country and building reconciliation. However, we must remind ourselves that achieving these objectives is built on our organisational strength and resolve, not on sophisticated submissions.