The challenges ahead in 2002
As 2002 begins we need to reflect on the key challenges we confronted
in 2001, so we can redouble our efforts in the struggle for a better
life for all.
Last year was an intense one for COSATU as we implemented resolutions
of the 7th National Congress on many fronts. COSATU thanks
its members, supporters and allies for their invaluable support during
a busy year.
COSATU
enters 2002 proud of our history and confident of the role we have
played in the defeat of apartheid. COSATU continues to be a highly
active organ of people’s power in post apartheid society, with a growing
membership we hope will soon reach two million.
Contrary
to myths about its lack of leadership COSATU has produced many leaders
at local, regional, national and affiliate level who have seen the
organisation through many difficult challenges. COSATU is one of the
strongest components of civil society, playing a critical role in
championing the interests of its members and the broader working class.
The political context
Ushering in democracy in 1994 was a qualitative
leap in the struggle against apartheid. The changes spearheaded by the
ANC-led democratic government have firmly placed South Africa on a sound
democratic footing. South Africa’s democracy flourishes and deepens
with every transformative intervention made by the government and the
ANC.
The key achievements of our young democracy include:
a progressive constitution, the ending of racial discrimination in
state policy, progressive labour laws and the provision of basic services
such as water to communities that previously lacked them.
The democratic movement has been given an overwhelming
mandate to unravel the legacy of apartheid and construct a non-racial,
non-sexist and democratic society.
Yet there are forces who seek to maintain white
privileges, and capital which waged a relentless campaign to resist
radical transformation, opposing progressive policies in areas such
as health policy and labour policy and trying to force government
to adopt conservative economic policies.
The COSATU Central Committee reaffirmed the centrality
of the Tripartite Alliance between the ANC, COSATU and the SACP as
the principal driver of transformation. It committed COSATU to work
tirelessly to resolve the disagreements within the alliance and called
for a summit meeting at the beginning of 2002.
At the beginning of 2001 there were fresh attempts
to get the alliance to work but unfortunately, towards the end the
year disagreements - around economic policy, the role of the alliance
and its relationship to governance and HIV/AIDS - remained unresolved.
This is
not going to be an overnight process but we must repair our damaged
relationships because deepening divisions in our ranks can only comfort
those opposing transformation. It is important to keep vigorously
debating the issues of vital concern to our common constituency and
strive to reach agreement. Building a vibrant and working alliance
is a key priority for 2002.
Transformation in South Africa takes places in
a hostile international environment dominated by capitalist globalisation.
Capital’s has a monopoly of power with which to impose its agenda
on democratically elected governments, particularly in weak developing
societies. A powerful coalition of industrialised countries, international
financial institutions and trans-national corporations work together
to impose a neo-liberal agenda on many states.
On the surface, capitalism seems unassailable
and its dominance complete but the reality is far more complex, indicating
an unstable economic system. The world economy is in a recession and
globalisation has brought benefits only to a few.
The gap between the rich and the poor within
and between nations is widening. Social mobilisation against the effects
of globalisation has grown. Every major gathering of government and
business attracts social protest.
The neo-liberal consensus is gradually giving
way to state intervention to prop up the economies in countries such
as Japan and even the US. This global economic crisis mean that the
balance of power is beginning to open up space to search for alternatives
to the one-size-fits-all neo-liberal dogma of tight fiscal and monetary
policies, liberalised trade and privatisation of state assets.
Against this background, the international labour
movement marked 9 November as the first-ever Global Day of Action
and Solidarity. Hopefully this historic action has laid the foundation
for an active global workers movement.
The socio-economic context
Millions of South Africans live in desperate
poverty, despairing of finding a job and living in communities wracked
by crime, violence, alcohol and drug abuse and addictive gambling.
On top of all these is the terrifying rise in HIV/AIDS which is devastating
the population.
South Africa’s economy is to all intents and
purposes stagnant. Formal employment has fallen rapidly since 1990.
The growth in the labour force, as the population grows, has led to
a dramatic rise in unemployment. Between 1995 and 2000, it rose from
16% to over 25%, using the narrow definition that does not include
people too discouraged to keep looking for work.
Job losses have been accompanied, particularly
after 1997, by the growth of informal and atypical forms of work which
do not generate adequate income and are merely survivalist.
Economic growth slowed markedly after 1997. In
the past year, some recovery emerged, although less than the government
initially hoped for. Per person, the economy has shrunk slightly since
1994, with the gains in 1994-96 and 2000 wiped out by the downturn
in 1997-99. In 2000 investment relative to GDP fell to the lowest
level since 1993.
Investment has declined sharply in the past two
years, although some signs of a recovery emerged in the first half
of 2001. At the same time, foreign investment in South Africa dropped
sharply, as reflected in the 20% decline in the rand against the dollar
throughout 2001.
Of growing concern is the continued high level
of foreign investment overseas by South African companies and individuals.
Between 1994 and 2000, some R54 billion left the country in direct
investment, while only R45 billion came in. The Anglo American/De
Beers transaction alone saw investment repatriation worth more than
the total investment into South Africa over this period, though the
inflow was offset by portfolio outflows.
This lack of productive investment in our economy,
disinvestment by SA conglomerates and continued reliance on short-term
speculative capital are the fundamental reasons for the rand’s instability.
The lack of controls to regulate the activities of speculative capital
and the relaxation of exchange controls has made South Africa a prime
target for those wanting to make a quick buck by destabilising our
currency.
The available evidence suggests very little improvement
in income distribution since 1994. The substantial and welcome improvement
in government services to the poor has been offset by the massive
loss in formal jobs and rising unemployment. These severe inequalities
form a critical blockage to economic growth. Half the population lives
in poverty without adequate basic services.
The latest survey, showing that wage inequalities
in South Africa are the highest in the world, confirms what COSATU
has been saying for years.
Under these circumstances gambling and the lotto
are the only hope for many of the poor. Surveys have shown that poor
people often use their last rand to play the lotto or some form of
gambling. But they represent a false hope to the poor and are the
worst forms of regressive taxation.
They entrench a corrupt national culture, which
does not address the causes of poverty, but if anything make things
worse.
COSATU
has therefore called for a new deal for the economy to address the
fundamental problem of unemployment, poverty and inequality. To accelerate
growth and development, the state must intervene more decisively to
restructure the economy. The private sector should play a key role
in the rejuvenation of South Africa’s economy but under the leadership
of the state.
Appropriate
macroeconomic policies to unlock resources for investment in the economy
and human development should replace the stringent GEAR strategy,
combined with a clear industrial strategy and social protection measures
to provide a safety net for the poor.
This is why COSATU has called for a People’s
Summit on the Economy to lay the ground for an Economic CODESA between
the owners of the economy and those who produce the wealth of our
country. The government’s commitment to a Growth Summit is a welcome
move, which could be the launching pad for the economic CODESA.