shops 9.5

Jay Naidoo and Sydney Mufamadi were elected general and assistant general secretaries at COSATU's launching congress. Between them they served COSATU for fourteen years. Both are now ministers in the government of national unity. In the tenth anniversary edition of the Shopsteward, they reflected on some of the key issues of their terms of office.

Talking unity

It took more than four years of talks before COSATU was born. The labour movement was sharply divided, so discussing unity wasn't always easy, says Jay Naidoo. Mufamadi recalls how, at the Port Elizabeth unity talks in July 1982, delegates unanimously adopted a resolution declaring that there was no basis for unity. "When we look back we realise how foolish we were. The mere fact of COSATU's formation is proof of that. The differences were not fundamental enough, and there were sufficient compelling reasons to set aside those differences and unite.

" The controversial issues included registration, participation in industrial councils, and involvement in community and political struggles. Naidoo and Mufamadi agreed that a major impetus for unity was the wave of repression unleashed against the union movement. Naidoo paid tribute to working class heroes like Elijah Barayi, whose commitment to unity was decisive in keeping the momentum going at difficult moments.

"I remember the Ipelegeng talks, when we were discussing the inaugural congress," said Naidoo. "A speaker advocating anti-racism made a very militant speech in high-flown English about how non-racialism didn't fit in with the notion of black working class leadership. Barayi got up and said, we as workers are interested in unity to advance our rights. He dispelled that whole argument in just a few sentences.

" Mufamadi recalls that, during the early stages of the unity talks, Fosatu and Cusa were represented, but not their individual affiliates. "When Num walked out of Cusa we learnt that a lot of things should have been happening in Cusa around the unity talks, but which did not." In general, though, he is satisfied that the process of unity was democratic. Mufamadi regards the term "community" unions - used to describe UDF-aligned unions - as a misnomer. "In reality, all unions are based on the shopfloor," he said.

"We differed with others over the broader political struggles." It was a difference which at one stage saw the UDF-aligned unions withdraw from unity talks. Mufamadi denies that pressure from Sactu secured the return of the UDF unions to unity talks. He says that debates about union unity took place in the ANC, including its underground structures.

"Unity was in everyone's interests. We didn't go to the ANC or Sactu to get instructions. We debated it internally and consulted externally. We did not invoke the authority of the underground to try to get people to accept positions. We had to convince people on the strength of our own arguments.

Launching COSATU

The fact that political policy was not debated at the launch, while helping to smooth COSATU's inaugural gathering, postponed an inevitable and sometimes divisive debate. "To discuss politics you have to build up trust first. This trust was lacking in the discussions around the formation of COSATU," says Naidoo. "We had to build the trust, so we avoided raising issues which would cause division.

" Mufamadi says the UDF unions were conscious of the need for consensus-building on policy and leadership to lay a basis for consolidating the federation beyond the launching congress. "We decided to support candidates from a wide range of unions - Fosatu, Ccawusa and Num - if they were put up by their unions. In turn, we expected them to support our candidates.

" Some Fosatu affiliates had asked John Gomomo to speak to the UDF unions about the leadership elections. "What shocked us was that he knew who we were prepared to support. We had thought it was a well-kept secret. He told us who his group was prepared to support and they were exactly the people we had in mind," says Mufamadi. This caused some panic in the ranks of the UDF unions.

"Why is it that we were putting up people preferred by the other side? Shouldn't we revise our choices? That was the depth of suspicion between the different tendencies at the time.

Political movement

Shortly after COSATU's launch, union members and leaders were increasingly caught up in the mushrooming resistance. Mufamadi recalls the build-up to the landmark 1984 Transvaal November stayaway. At the time, some unionists were hostile to non-union organisations on the grounds that these were not "pure working class organisations". "Cosas convened a meeting to discuss the detention of students. They wanted the support of the rest of the democratic movement. I was surprised to see Chris Dlamini leading a delegation of unionists from Fosatu-affiliated unions from the East Rand to that meeting. Dlamini and his delegation were as militant as the students. His son and daughter, both Cosas members, were among those detained for taking up issues related to their schooling. The son and daughter of a working class leader - their detention did not cease to be a working class issue. The Fosatu leadership in the East Rand obviously saw it as an issue of immediate concern. Chris and Moses Mayekiso were arrested after that. They could not be described as taking up an issue which had nothing to do with workers. The reality of our situation proved some of the positions we took at different times to be wrong. We all learnt from that.

Political tensions

According to Naidoo, political tensions in COSATU arose from different tendencies within the federation competing for workers' allegiance. "COSATU is not a homogenous organisation. There are contesting groups within the organisation that try to advance their position and influence. What was different about COSATU was that we didn't want to eliminate the minority of different views. We were concerned to create an environment for free debate.

"Our alliance with the ANC did not mean that others should be excluded. COSATU had, and still has, members who belong to Inkatha, and they are happy in COSATU. They may not agree with COSATU's alliance with the ANC, but they feel their interests are represented in COSATU, and they have the right to express their points of view.

Meeting the movement

Right from the start, COSATU's relationship with the ANC was a warm one. Naidoo remembers his first visit to meet the ANC in December 1985. "The people I met then, like Joe Slovo, were excited. Here was a massive worker formation which identified itself with the political struggle against apartheid. I found a lot of strength in that. COSATU on its own would not succeed in realising its policy objectives.

We had to make alliances. The question was with whom. We had to look at those political parties that had a track record, a history of struggle and commitment towards working class issues."The ANC welcomed the fact that we were coming with some independent ideas. That was the origin of our relationship. They accepted us as an equal partner in the struggle, and as a genuine trade union." Like the ANC, Sactu gave COSATU warm support and the two met in February 1986. According to Mufamadi, Sactu did not purport to represent the workers inside the country in their day-to-day struggles against employers.

"They saw themselves as representing a group of organised workers who were forced underground because of repression. Their support for COSATU was intended to ensure a labour movement strong enough to resist what happened to Sactu in 1964. Once there was a labour movement strong enough to stand on its own, Sactu resolved that it should cease to exist." Repression COSATU was born into a virtual state of war in the country. Naidoo recalls the trauma of the repression faced in its first years.

"We had not yet consolidated the fragile unity of the launch congress and a number of us had to go into hiding. Structures were being smashed and leadership was detained. We were in a weak position. But workers could see that their organisation was under attack. And so there were lots of factory demonstrations, and we began to build up a momentum." Amidst the turmoil, COSATU had to forge ahead with its programmes. The COSATU leadership had to take decisive action to ensure the implementation of mergers, Naidoo said.

"By 1987 we had consolidated unity around the principle of one union, one industry. The fact that we had major worker action, starting with the OK Bazaars strike, continuing with railway workers and the NUM strike, brought home the reality that only powerful, national industrial unions would succeed." There was little relief from repression that year. "But that period created the unity we needed," said Naidoo.

"In focusing on workers' struggles we were able to build political unity. In congresses thereafter we could look at the political issues. So, even though the 1987 congress was quite divided, we could have a debate around the Freedom Charter. In the 1988/1989 period we were able to consolidate this. Thereafter our debates were around tactics rather than principles and policies.

COSATU and the UDF

Mufamadi says COSATU explored relationships with a range of political organisations. "In 1988 I was sent to Cape Town to have a meeting with the New Unity Movement, to explore possibilities of working together around specific issues. At the time we were trying to organise the Anti-Apartheid Conference (AAC). The New Unity Movement put forward conditions which in our view were calculated to make a working relationship impossible. Similarly with the black consciousness movement.

"But in the UDF, COSATU found a ready and willing ally around common struggles. Both COSATU and the UDF were satisfied with a working relationship on programmes that were defined jointly, without COSATU having to affiliate to the UDF. The Freedom Charter also became a document which both sides felt could lay the basis for joint programmes." At COSATU's 1988 Special National Congress large delegations from Sayco and the UDF were observers with full speaking rights. Mufamadi explains:

"The state of emergency ate away at the organised strength of many organisations". "Both Sayco and the UDF were restricted in such a way that it was impossible for them to hold broad, representative meetings of their structures. It was a subtle way of hitting at COSATU, and an attempt to sever our relations with the MDM. "The state detained layer upon layer of shopstewards. There was also the bombing of COSATU House and raids on union offices. There was a fear psychosis. The UDF and its affiliates, and Nactu, were all hard hit. It was necessary to respond. The special congress gave us an opportunity to broaden the anti-apartheid forces, and gave a voice to the restricted organisations. We were also formulating a programme for the AAC and resolutions to be debated there.

"The AAC was banned shortly before it was due to start. But the state overlooked the fact that we had already established a team of people representing the organisations attending the special congress. They continued their work of consulting with organisations around an AAC, and the issues to be debated there. So the work of the AAC could continue, albeit at a less public level."

Talks with the ANC

In 1989, Mufamadi and Mayekiso went to Lusaka to talk to the ANC. Mufamadi explains:"The ANC released constitutional guidelines for debate and discussion in its own ranks. In July 1989, at another COSATU Special National Congress, we adopted the constitutional guidelines. We also agreed on convening the Conference for a Democratic Future (CDF), which sought to achieve the objectives of the AAC. Mayekiso and myself were sent to talk to the ANC prior to the adoption of the Harare Declaration.

"COSATU had decided to talk to the ANC and not wait for the outcome of the CDF. It was necessary for us as COSATU to engage with the ANC and to know on what basis the ANC was putting forward its positions in the document. It was Mayekiso's and my responsibility to report back to COSATU on the ANC's views. However, we still had to take COSATU's views to the rest of the democratic movement in the CDF.

Coordinating role

A central dilemma for COSATU has been the balance between its coordinating role and an interventionist one, says Naidoo. "There were many times when we as office-bearers could see a problem. We knew what to do. But an affiliate would argue that they are autonomous.

"In the interests of unity and servicing members, COSATU needs a more pro-active vision. There are very powerful affiliates, and there are weaker ones. That's been our history. How does the experience of an Num or Numsa help the organisation of nurses? That is COSATU's responsibility - to translate the experiences of the federation and its affiliates into practical value for the rest of the working class.

Internationalism

COSATU had the advantage that, by the time it was formed, the rest of the world had been mobilised to support the anti-apartheid struggle, says Mufamadi. "You had anti-apartheid movements right around the world - in the Americas, Europe, Australia, Japan and Africa. Unions were prominent in this movement, campaigning for sanctions and boycotts of South African products, for example, dockers refusing to handle cargo to or from South Africa.

"Many of our founding affiliates had links with unions abroad. But COSATU decided not to affiliate to the WFTU, ICFTU or WCL. "The birth of COSATU made properly co-ordinated solidarity action possible. In our Hands Off COSATU campaign we could count on support from all of these international bodies. They shared with us their resources and their experiences." COSATU also played a key role in mobilising support for the sanctions campaign, though this was not always easy.

"We did what we could to prepare in terms of policy and organisation. But when your job's on the line, it's a different story," said Naidoo. "But workers understood that the cause of retrenchments, low wages and bad working conditions was the apartheid government.

"To win better laws and rights, we had to get rid of the government. It took us a long time to come to the point of calling for sanctions. We were criticised by our allies and our enemies for that. But because people were in daily contact with the shopstewards, because they trusted COSATU to represent their best interests, workers were won to the position in favour of sanctions.

Future challenge

A key challenge for COSATU is to organise professional workers, says Naidoo. "Economic innovation is the cutting edge of the new economy. We have to bridge the gap between professional and blue-collar workers. We have to restructure the collective bargaining system and link it to the broader social wage, to training, career-pathing and industrial restructuring.

"Our industries are exposed to competition. How do we create jobs and improve conditions in such a situation? The future of the formal economy rests on high productivity and high wages. But what do we do about the millions of unemployed? It is about engaging the state and business. In Nedlac, COSATU can now influence the budget of the country, industrial policy and trade and tariff policy.

" The question is, says Naidoo, can COSATU develop the skills, people and policies to participate effectively? "In defending workers' interests , COSATU will come up against questions of technology, productivity and competitiveness. Maybe we need fewer unions with bigger resources to deal with this. We need to start developing COSATU's policy capacity.

" Mufamadi says that the new flag flying over the Union buildings does not mean the end of our struggle. "The task of democratisation still lies ahead. It must be driven by workers. The experience of COSATU during the years of struggle must be emulated by the broad democratic movement, the participation by rank and file in formulating programmes, making leadership accountable to rank and file, renewing mandates, etc.

"Our capacity to deliver is still limited. But at least now we have representative government at local level in most parts of the country. COSATU members in local government carry these traditions with them."