Volume 9, No.5 - December 2000

15 Years of Heroic struggle

Changing with the time

At the time of the inaugural COSATU Congress, Chris Bonner, now the Director of Ditsela, was Transvaal Branch Secretary of the Chemical Workers Industrial Union (CWIU). She reflects on this historic event.

COSATU's changing character over the decade and a half since its launch, has seen the federation grow both in the scope of its membership, its influence on the shop-floor and in society.

Driving to Durban in two battered combies, CWIU's Transvaal delegates to Congress talked of the new federation. What would it be like? Who would lead the federation? What will happen to our FOSATU (Federation of South African Trade Unions, launched in 1979) traditions of worker control and strong shop-floor organisation? Would it get off the ground given major differences? Would the apartheid regime let it happen? How would Inkatha react?

These and many more questions occupied the delegates on that long uncomfortable journey (despite the stop for Kentucky Fried Chicken - standard fare on route to Durban for meetings). As far as we knew, very little had been pre-arranged or pre-negotiated. Our delegates were genuinely unsure who would be put forward for general secretary, president or even whether the federation would be born. We were entering the unknown.

What emerged from the Congress?

A giant? Yes! A very large organisation compared to any previous South African federation, with credibility, a fighting spirit, and the potential power to challenge employers and the apartheid state. A unified giant? Yes and no! It was a miracle to have succeeded in bringing together 33 unions with different traditions, politics and priorities. But underlying divisions and tensions remained.

A political animal? Yes! Despite accusations that some unions were apolitical and workerist; that others were populist and nationalist, all the unions present were committed to the federation taking an active and leading role in the political struggle. A fighter for workers? Yes! Demands of the living wage campaign were fought for under conditions of extreme opposition from employers and repression from the state. They brought major benefits for large numbers of SA workers.

Merging cultures, traditions and political perspectives

Different strands of the 'progressive' trade union movement came together into COSATU. From the FOSATU stable, the CWIU, for example, was committed to strong shop floor-based unionism. Painstaking factory-by-factory organisation was the norm, as was a deep commitment to worker control and a socialist political ideology.

GAWU and SAAWU were from another tradition. Emerging in the 1980s with a militant community-based stand and open allegiance to the UDF and ANC, they were critical of the ex-FOSATU unions' so-called 'workerism'. Over the years these positions mellowed and merged, but not before endless debates and political fights. Through these processes, unions learned from each other, modified positions and made compromises, resulting in unified COSATU positions. This was assisted by the process of mergers, which has continued over the past fifteen years, and is set to continue with the more recent resolutions on super-unions and cartels.

By the 1994 elections, COSATU was united in its political support for the ANC and had reached a stage of political maturity where the majority view prevailed, and differences could be accommodated. With the ongoing entry into COSATU of unions with different backgrounds, and importantly, differing membership profiles, the building of a united COSATU culture continues to be an ongoing and exciting challenge. The recent 7th COSATU Congress, with its impressive show of unity in diversity, strength, independence and political maturity indicates that COSATU will continue to take this challenge in its stride.

Changing membership

At COSATU's launch, the delegates were largely male (the exceptions being the South African Domestic Workers Union - SADWU and CCAWUSA, now SACCAWU). They were mostly urban or migrant African manual workers employed by the private sector. The few white delegates were all union officials. The Congress officially adopted a non-racial, non-sexist character. In the first few years that followed, the racial, gender and class character of the federation remained similar to that of the inaugural Congress. COSATU continued to organise from the bottom up, focussing on the most oppressed and exploited groupings. However, changes were taking place- slowly at first, and accelerating rapidly in the 1990s.

Black women, as the most oppressed grouping, were virtually un-represented in leadership positions in the federation and affiliates. In 1985, issues such as maternity leave were only just beginning to appear on union bargaining agendas. A progressive resolution was taken at the inaugural Congress, which paved the way for women members to begin to advance, at the shop floor and at leadership level. Whilst gender equality is very far from a reality, huge strides have been made in the "struggle within a struggle".

Unions now acknowledge the importance of gender equality and have programmes in place; real gains have been made for women workers on important issues such as equal wages, maternity leave and affirmative action. At the level of leadership men continue to dominate and union culture is still very male. Importantly, at a COSATU level, we now have two women national office bearers, and as more women shop stewards are elected, this is beginning to translate into more women leaders in affiliates - certainly at local, regional and provincial levels.

As increasing numbers of workers flocked from all parts of the country to join COSATU, the racial composition, whilst remaining majority African, began to reflect more closely South Africa's working class population. In the past 5-6 years, for example, there has been an increase in the number of white workers in the federation. In addition, COSATU's organisational tentacles began to reach out to the rural areas - the old bantustans, farms and forests.

Whilst the organisation of farm/rural workers has shown slow growth, nevertheless this is an important dimension of COSATU's membership. Addressing the needs of the most vulnerable workers, which includes workers in the survival or informal sector, is an urgent and important new challenge for COSATU. Alongside the changing racial composition of membership has been an increase in white-collar membership. In 1985, workers would never have believed that teachers and bank officials would join COSATU.

Even more unbelievable to the COSATU members of the 1980s, would have been the thought of soldiers, prison warders and policemen becoming COSATU members! These were the agents of repression. They were the enemy. Yet today COSATU boasts an active and growing police and prison officers union - POPCRU - and is beginning to organise in the defence force. Particularly dramatic has been the increase in COSATU's public-sector membership. With the rapid growth of NEHAWU (now the second largest union in COSATU), the growth and consolidation of SAMWU, the rise of POPCRU and the affiliation of SADTU and other smaller public sector unions, these workers now account for nearly 40% of COSATU's membership. Increasingly, they are taking up leadership positions in the federation, changing the leadership profile and influencing federation priorities.

Public-sector workers have similar and different concerns to those of industrial workers and miners. Their relationship with government is more ambiguous and contradictory. Recent disputes with government-as-employer, whilst maintaining support for the Alliance, illustrate the complexities COSATU has to deal with. Internally, COSATU has had to broaden its scope of concern. For example, the education and research work of COSATU and allied institutions such as Naledi and Ditsela, has had to increasingly accommodate a public-sector focus.

Concerns old and new

In 1985, workers and the unions had two clear enemies - the government and the bosses. Things were tough, but much simpler. Workers were clear. COSATU was clear. We knew how to fight, taking to the streets or occupying factories when necessary. We knew clearly what our goals were - to overthrow the government; put in place a workers' government; fight for recognition and high wages and never eat with the bosses (we took this literally - when employers invited CWIU to have lunch, organisers and shop stewards declined and went off to buy fish and chips at the local cafe).

Then came 1990. The possibility of a worker-friendly government, with workers being a part of it, became a reality. What was COSATU's role now? Whilst day-to-day shop floor work continued, COSATU increasingly got drawn into policy-making forums - opening the way for the federation to extend the influence of workers into government. COSATU's influence spread - into the ANC decision-making bodies, the negotiations at the World Trade Centre and into strategic and formerly secret industries such as oil, petrol and electricity. These were the years of the forums, working groups and task forces.

COSATU had come of age. It was a legitimate social partner with a direct voice to the central state and the big shots of business. Enter Nedlac!

Like all change, there are positive and negative impacts for workers and trade unions. COSATU now wields considerable power over government policy and legislation. For example, new labour laws, laws affecting the position of women bear testament to this.

Despite limitations and frustrations, COSATU plays a major role in influencing and challenging economic policy and implementation, acting as the major protector and champion of working people and the poor.

However, in fulfilling its broad social role, there is the real danger that some of COSATU's greatest strengths are being watered down. These traditionally are its shop-floor unity and power, insistence on worker control and democracy, the close relationship between members and leaders, and its independence. In the short space of 15 years, COSATU and its affiliates have achieved more than we dared to dream as we drove to Durban on that summer night.

It has achieved more than most union movements throughout the world. It is busy forging a new character. It will hopefully emerge with the positive characteristics of the "old COSATU" blended into a new and dynamic form, effectively facing the challenges of the new South Africa and the new global economic and political order.