Volume 9, No.3 - September 2000

Discussion Document

 

Advancing Social Transformation in the Era of Globalisation

COSATU 7th Congress Political Discussion Paper COSATU is holding its 7th National Congress from 18-21 September this year. In preparation, we must review our circumstances and work. The COSATU Central Executive Committee Lekgotla in May 2000 approved this document.

Its aim is to stimulate discussion in COSATU, and the democratic movement as a whole, on the state of the transformation of our country and our progress in taking forward the National Democratic Revolution. The document analyses our successes and failures since the transition to democracy in 1994 and aims to provoke a more thoughtful and critical analysis of our work. Here is a summary of its points:

How much progress have we made since 1994?

Since 1994, South Africa has made big steps to strengthen democracy. The national elections were followed by the establishment of democratic local government and the new Constitution. The law extended labour rights to all workers. For the first time, tens of thousands of our people have running water, electricity, housing, education, health and other government services.

But a shift to the right in economic policy since 1996 could undermine these gains. Cuts in government budgets and higher spending on the military mean less services and job losses. Reduced tariffs and high interest rates contribute to slow economic growth and unemployment.

Between 1997 and 2000, one in ten formal jobs disappeared, and almost 40 per cent of the labour force is unemployed. The biggest job losses were in mining and manufacturing, especially clothing, machinery and equipment.

The Alliance has also faced new challenges since 1994. Too often, it has been reduced to discussing policies already agreed in government. The ANC as a party does not fully control the executive - that is, cabinet and government officials.

How should we take the NDR forward?

The National Democratic Revolution (NDR) arose to combat apartheid, a system that combined oppression of workers with oppression based on race and gender. Politically, overcoming the legacy of apartheid needs participatory democracy, where the majority of the people take part in shaping government actions. Only true democracy that empowers the majority can break the monopoly of the former ruling class - big business and old-line government officials.

Economically and socially, the NDR means greater equality in income and ownership, through:

But the NDR faces a concerted counterattack from big business. Above all, since the democratic elections, the view has arisen that the NDR only needs equal-opportunity capitalism, with some black people becoming rich but no change for most. That would mean stopping the NDR before it liberates most South Africans.

The argument has also come up that the NDR should focus on helping, not workers, but the poorest people - peasants, micro entrepreneurs, and the unemployed. By dividing the poor from the very poor, this approach hides the big inequality in South Africa: that the richest ten per cent of households get over half of all incomes. Moreover, the poorest people rely on support from workers.

This argument also downplays the central role of the working class in leading progressive struggles and maintaining the power of the Alliance - a role no other group can undertake. What is the balance of power? In 1999, the ANC won an overwhelming victory. It got a clear mandate to continue social transformation. The opposition parties are in disarray.

But big companies based in mining and finance still control the economy. They aim to invest overseas, rather than building the South African economy. At the same time, they continually lobby government leaders to block transformation.

A critical force for the NDR remains state power. The state often appears as a neutral force, above society; but ultimately it is an instrument of the ruling class. In transitional periods, the political rulers may use government power to reshape economic power, for instance through state investment or land reform. In turn, the economic ruling class tries to influence the new political leaders to stop progressive measures.

In these circumstances, a bureaucratic bourgeoisie may emerge. This is a fraction of capital that uses its control of the State to maintain its own power and privilege, and not for transformation. To prevent this requires more accountability for political leadership, and measures to stop people from using the state to enrich themselves.

Above all, it needs a strong progressive movement, both inside and outside of government. The public-sector unions, in particular, have a key role in ensuring the transformation of the state. Internationally, the hegemony of capital under the leadership of the US means South Africa faces continual international pressure to limit progressive policies. But we cannot let concerns about international reactions, which are sometimes exaggerated, prevent transformation.

The challenges for COSATU

In these circumstances, COSATU faces new challenges.

It must manage:

Unions must organise hard-to-reach groups such as the informal sector, farm and domestic workers. Moreover, to respond to economic changes, we must both engage with government policies, especially through the Job Crisis Campaign, and assist members in individual industries to find solutions.

To achieve these ends. we need both technical capacity and the organisational base to back up our demands. Unions must maintain and strengthen both services for members and internal democracy. Moreover, COSATU members must remain active in both the SACP and the ANC.

To get a free copy of the full document, write to COSATU at PO Box 1019, Johannesburg 2000, find it on our web site, www.cosatu.org.za, or collect it from COSATU House, 1 Leyds Street, Braamfontein, COSATU regional offices or affiliated unions.