redbar.gif (1169 bytes)

WORKER NEWS

redbar.gif (1169 bytes)

NUMSA sets the record straight on VWSA

By Dumisa Ntuli, Numsa Information Officer

Statements about the Volkswagen South Africa (VWSA) dispute in Uitenhage, made in the print media and by counter-revolutionary forces inside and outside the country, have been misleading and grossly unfounded. They allege that the union collaborated with the employers to dismiss 1300 workers.

A new, reactionary union, called the Oil, Chemical, General, Allied Workers' Union, and some organisation who call themselves the Socialist Workers' Vanguard League (SWVL), issued pamphlets claiming that NUMSA officials, John Gomomo and the ANC Secretary General supported the dismissal of the 1300.

I will set the record straight on VWSA and clarify some of the allegations.

Firstly, the union has attempted, from as early as 1995, to address the problems of workers in the plant and show "traditional transparency". As result, several meetings were called and a VWSA conference agreed on a programme to resolve issues and consolidate structures. The majority of the workers implemented this conference programme.

But a group called Indlu ye Ngwevu (the House of Senators) resolutely defied this programme and painstakingly fomented unfounded demands, knowing very clearly that the union would not meet them.

Indlu ye Ngwevu was responsible for the ousting of shop stewards and spreading false rumors about medical aid funds not being forwarded to the relevant administrators. This group wanted to cause chaos, by making unnecessary demands and unprocedurally convening disruptive meetings.

They harassed shop stewards who were loyal to the union and insulted members. Whatever moves our shopstewards made around union activities and meetings, they would disrupt the process.

Of the 32 shopstewards, 19 were loyal to the NUMSA policies and constitution, and 13 continuously disobeyed, disregarded and disrespected the union policies, including plant agreements.

They deliberately undermined the union leadership. They went around spreading an unpleasant gospel, and when the regional secretary intervened, they would say he was not welcome in the plant. They held their own meetings in our shopstewards' offices in the plant.

The local shop stewards' council in Uitenhage were not satisfied with the conduct of this group of 13 shop stewards and wanted the union to dismiss them. But the union only agreed to suspend them, pending disciplinary inquiries. In protest at the union's refusal to dismiss them, the other 19 loyal shop stewards resigned. The union then lifted the suspensions, which caused Indlu ye Ngwevu to rejoice.

The union made some arrangements, in terms of the constitution, to replace these 19 loyal shop stewards. But Indlu ye Ngwevu went around the plant appointing shopstewards and introducing them to management. When union officials went to the plant, with the NUMSA President, to intervene, the group caused havoc. Management was confused because they did not know which shopstewards should be recognised.

The group of 13 shop stewards continued to misinform and deceive the workers. So NUMSA's Regional Congress decided to reimpose the suspensions and take disciplinary action against them.

In response, at the beginning of this year, the group of 13 organised a strike, to demand the lifting of their suspensions and the withdrawal of disciplinary measures. They formed a Crisis Committee to run the strike.

For three weeks COSATU and NUMSA NOBs and Alliance structures tried to persuade the workers to go back to their work. The union signed an agreement with the company, that workers would return to work, in a bid to save jobs and stop the relocation of the company to Germany.

The company gave the workers an ultimatum to return to work. The Crisis Committee and the SWVL, however, refused access to the federation leadership to address workers. They organised their separate meetings to deceive, vilify and demonise the leadership of the Alliance. They started to use workers for their own political agenda.

On the eve of the expiry of the ultimatum for workers to return to work, the Crisis Committee and the SWVL called a meeting. They told workers to defy the ultimatum. The workers failed to meet the ultimatum and the company then dismissed 1300 of them.

The union was involved in negotiations with the company right through the above incidents to try and find an amicable solution.

Secondly, the issue of the 1300 dismissed workers should not be taken to mean NUMSA has a leadership crisis. The union stood firm on its principles on the issue of the suspension of the 13 shopstewards, because workers elect shopstewards to unify and serve them better in the company.

The workers do not elect them for reasons such as personal empowerment, seeking personal favour with the company management at the expense of the majority of workers, personal greed, status gratification, making unfounded demands, vilifying the leadership, creating divisions, personal agendas or whatever.

They are elected to respect the mandate and the decisions of the workers in accordance with the constitution. The shopstewards cannot survive without the mandate of their electorate. Members are the power behind the shopstewards and they are supposed to conduct themselves in a manner that serves the interest of all workers.

Problems arise when members relinquish all power to the shopstewards. Subsequently the shopstewards do not account to their electorate but to themselves. They then empower themselves and make critical decisions concerning workers, without having to seek any mandate. Members just have to be satisfied with their decisions.

Members become intimidated by the "power" they have given the shopstewards and feel powerless to take the power back again. The union intervenes in such cases, where the workers are powerless, and gives direction in accordance with the constitution.

The union cannot allow a situation where shopstewards create their own small empires. The union constitution is the cornerstone to protect the interests and rights of the workers. Without it, there is no union and workers' interests will not be served.

Shop stewards who only look after their own interests, and neglect those of the electorate and the union as a unified body are not committed and good shopstewards.

Thirdly, it is a fallacy to say the union has become bureaucratic and ignores worker control. The constitution of the union describes very clearly the purpose of the union, the substance and the purposeful direction of its policies and the nature of its relations with the workers.

The union is 100% controlled by workers. At all the levels of the union, from national to local, the majority of office bearers are shopstewards from the factories. How can we then become bureaucratic or ignore worker issues when the workers themselves are controlling the union?

That is why every shopsteward elected in the union structures must be a model worker in everyday work and behaviour, in public and personal life, and bear a higher responsibility for the future of workers and social progress in the country.

Finally, the allegations that the union signed an A4 Golf contract agreement that changed work practices, without workers being consulted, is a lie and figment of the imagination. Throughout the history of VWSA, the union has signed many agreements on conditions of employment. The workers never objected because all agreements were clearly understood.

It took the union six months to sign the A4 Golf agreement, because we wanted to make sure every worker was on board. The agreement was to create 1000 new jobs in component manufacturing, re-train workers and introduce new skills. It was signed after consultation with the workers and it will give positive spin-offs.

The 13 shopstewards however rejected everything that was to assist the workers and the unemployed to get benefits. The union cannot abrogate its responsibility to cater for the immediate needs of the workers. Equally, the union, in this global environment, with 40% unemployment in South Africa, cannot be a spectator in creating jobs.

The union has signed many agreements with automobile companies, which obviously changed work practices. For example, at Daimler Chrysler, workers will be expected to work double shifts in the paint shop. The duty of the union, as NUMSA has done, is to negotiate the most favourable work practices for workers.

The above facts speak for themselves. The union did not at any stage collaborate with the company. Counter revolutionary forces like OCGAWU and the SWVL deceived and misinformed workers into being dismissed.

The union has never been quiet on the issue. We managed to force the company to reinstate 150 workers. The strike was not legitimate, because during the strike the union did not close the procedural modes of raising an objection or grievance to any decision, including suspension.

The strike really had nothing to do with the company. It was an organisational matter, which needed union attention. But the said organisations prevented COSATU leaders from persuading workers to return to work.

The union cannot be blamed for the strike and the consequent dismissal of the 1300 workers. Those who have contributed to the dismissals do not have the interests of workers at heart. They are just self-seeking and they will continue to treat workers with utter contempt.

SATAWU: a new trade union giant

By Kim Jurgensen

"Workers of the world unite! You have nothing to lose but your chains!" With these famous words of Karl Marx, June Dube opened the founding congress of a new giant which has entered the stage of South African trade unionism.

On 18 May 2000 in Johannesburg, the South African Transport and Allied Workers' Union (SATAWU) was born - through a merger of the former SATAWU and the Transport and General Workers' Union (TGWU). Its 102,916 members work in the transport, cleaning and security industries.

This merger is important for a number of reasons. Firstly, it is part of the implementation of COSATU’s 1997 Congress resolution on super unions, as well as a 1989 National Congress decision on transport union mergers. It follows in the footsteps of CEPPWAWU.

It is also important because for the first time all transport workers will be organised in one union. Historically, SARHWU organised rail and harbour workers, while TGWU organised workers in the road sector, cleaning and security.

Transport is an essential component of society. Without transport, workers cannot get to work, farms cannot be farmed, raw materials cannot get to the factories and manufactured goods cannot be distributed. Transport in all forms is essential to the economy of the country.

Based on this understanding, SATAWU has developed a broad framework for an efficient and effective transport policy. It includes:

However, it seems that much of this policy is in direct contradiction to the restructuring process which the government is embarking on.

Government has a programme to restructure its four parastatals (Eskom, Telkom, Denel and Transnet). This involves selling off part of these bodies to the private sector in order to push up profits. Government has identified parts of Transnet which it will sell to business, including port operations, long-distance passenger rail services and other "non-core" assets.

However, an essential characteristic of this privatisation process is that many jobs, possibly in the hundreds of thousands, could be lost. Already thousands of Spoornet workers have lost their jobs and more retrenchments are threatened.

COSATU, along with its Alliance partner the South African Communist Party, has a clear position on privatisation. Our opposition to privatisation is based on a wealth of international experience. This tells us that any business-owned organisation which operates solely on the law of profit, always leads to an increase in service costs and massive job losses.

SATAWU firmly believes the proposal to restructure Transnet will not only result in more job losses, it will also fail to promote economic development or service the poor.

For these reasons the union has resolved to oppose any restructuring of Transnet that is not in line with SATAWU’s vision for transport policy and social development. Congress resolved to call for a one-day general strike should restructuring lead to negative social consequences due to privatisation.

It has also become clear that the departments of transport and public enterprises have been embarking on unilateral restructuring, ignoring the National Framework Agreement. This seems to be a growing trend within government. Both SATAWU and COSATU have called on government to reaffirm their commitment to the principle of negotiations and to the National Framework Agreement, which was set up precisely for this purpose.

On the issue of women, the Congress noted the alarmingly high rates of domestic violence and rape. Not only does this affect women socially, it also affects their performance in the workplace, and in organisations such as the trade unions. The resolution argued that this level of violence is partly due to the social and economic alienation of men in our society.

It did no go into the impact of patriarchy, power relations and the link between capitalism and women’s oppression. But Congress did resolve to embark on an education programme, to highlight the social, economic and psychological effects of gender oppression and the systematic abuse of women.

The transport industry is one of the most severely affected by the HIV/Aids epidemic. Nearly four million South Africans are carrying the disease. The evidence is that transport and mining sectors are amongst those where the disease is spreading the fastest.

One of the pressing political issues surrounding this disease is access to affordable drugs. Congress noted that if people have access, they can live healthy long lives, even if they are HIV positive.

In addition to this, a lot of fear and ignorance still surrounds the disease, making it difficult for those living with HIV to disclose their status. It also poses the challenge of developing effective care mechanisms for infected people.

The Congress resolved to support and actively build the Treatment Action Campaign. Part of this would involve carrying forward Aids work in sectors such as trucking, where projects have already been developed. Also the union will take up issues of care and support for orphans as part of the holistic approach to HIV/Aids.

Opening the congress, TGWU President June Dube, declared: "This is a historic and momentous event."

He warned that the new union would not accept privatisation as an alternative to providing jobs and services and said he was greatly encouraged by the position of the ANC as expressed by Kgalema Montlanthe on May Day:

"Socialism is the future - build it now!"

He was echoed by his SATAWU counterpart, Bonakele Jonas. "We need a union which continues to place socialism on the agenda." He promised the 541 delegates that the outgoing office-bearers had successfully delivered.

The new office bearers are:

President:
Ezrom Mabyana

1st Vice President:
Xola Phakathi

2nd Vice President:
June Dube

General Secretary:
Randall Howard

Deputy General Secretary:
Johnson Gamede

Treasurer:
Ephraim Motlhako

In his address to Congress, Blade Nzimande, General Secretary of the SACP, referred to the attempts by the IMF and World Bank to impose privatisation on Africa. "The priority," he said, "is not to privatise but to meet the basic needs of the people. Where in Africa has privatisation worked? Africa is not for sale!"

Municipal workers fight privatisation

About ten thousand workers from the South African Municipal Workers Union (SAMWU) and the Independent Municipal and Allied Trade Union (IMATU) rallied in Library Gardens, Johannesburg, on 28 June, to celebrate a victory.

On 22 June, 70 shop stewards had been mandated to occupy the office of Johannesburg Metropolitan Council’s leader, Kenny Fihla and not to leave until Gauteng’s MEC for Local Government, Trevor Fowler, had promised a moratorium on the implementation of the council’s iGoli 2002 restructuring and privatisation plans for public utilities.

The two unions have vowed to fight the plans until the bitter end. They say privatisation of key social structures would result in widespread unemployment and higher service charges, while the quality of services would decline.

They claim iGoli 2002 will affect the poor negatively and demand that the rich be the ones to pay extra for services rendered. The capital generated from that should subsidise "decent, cheap services for all". They want to ensure that the process is in line with the municipal systems bill, which places guidelines on local government restructuring.

The unions won a victory after 24 hours, when the council capitulated and the MEC granted a moratorium. This meant the corporatisation of the zoo, bus services, civic centre and fresh produce market, scheduled for 1 July, was no longer going ahead.

A draft record of understanding between SAMWU, COSATU and the ANC endorsed the SAMWU position that there should be no corporatisation or privatisation in Johannesburg and that the MEC's moratorium should be upheld.

The council however has refused to honour the MEC's proclamation of a moratorium. Their labour specialist, Magane Thobejane, says they have already appointed management teams and the employment contracts for five of the ten utilities to be restructured were effective from 1 July.

At the time of going to press SAMWU was about to embark on a strike, starting on 11 July. If you want to support SAMWU’s strike, please phone Refilwe on (011) 333 1582.

Horror Crash

17 communication workers die in horror crash

By Sizwe Matshikiza, Media Officer, Communications Workers' Union

The Communications Workers' Union received with very deep grief the news that 17 communication workers perished in Van Rhynsdorp, Western Cape on 30 May 2000. Their lives were snuffed out, in yet another tragic road accident. It left only three of the occupants of the truck in which they were travelling alive, with injuries of varying degrees.

The leadership of our union sends its heartfelt condolences to those families who lost their loved ones in this accident. We also wish those who survived this carnage a smooth and quick recovery.

Initial reports indicate that a private company, Sindawonge, employed the workers who died in this accident. This company won a contract with Telkom about three months ago.

Our provincial leadership is currently interacting with Telkom and this private company to gather all the relevant information. On the basis of this information, our union will establish whether there is any role that we can play to assist this families of the deceased and those who were injured.

Telkom decided to outsource the work that was performed by the workers who died in the accident. Our union in the province had challenged Telkom on the horrendous health and safety standards under which workers are forced to work in this section of Telkom's operations.

Workers were forced to travel on the back of open trucks that were often overloaded. In this particular accident, the truck involved carried about ten tons of copper and heavy tools, in addition to the overload of 17 workers.

Telkom elected to outsource this section, instead of improving the working conditions. This inhuman act by Telkom clearly prioritised profits at the expense of human lives. They hope to wash their hands of the blood of workers by engaging in such sordid acts.

Our union is currently engaging its legal team and other forces, in an attempt to call for a probe into these hasty outsourcings of Telkom operations.

We further call on all workers who have been casualised to join our union and benefit from the strength of unionised workers. The Labour Relations Act of this country, a piece of legislation we fought so hard for, provides us with the freedom to belong to unions. Being unionised is one way in which we can jointly defend our rights to healthy and safe working conditions.

NUM's momentous millennium National Congress

By George Molebatsi, NUM Media Officer

The NUM tenth National Congress was a momentous event, taking place at a time when the balance of forces is heavily tilted against the workers. Globalisation has become the nemesis of the working people throughout the world.

The 'Congress of the millennium' sought to address this malady, examine challenges facing the union and assess the strengths and weaknesses of the organisation. It also looked at the state of civil society and the Tripartite Alliance and perused the path of the National Democratic Revolution.

Resolutions submitted charted the way forward, through a four-pronged strategy for the union over the next three years. They dealt with political strategy, building organs of people power and working with, and building, the civic movement and NGOs.

Since the advent of our new-found democracy, we have experienced an 'inverted pyramid' in the activity of our membership and participation in pursuit of change, in the democratic movement and civil society at large.

Campaigning for the local government elections and the integration of hostel committees into the civics have become extremely urgent. The fragmentation of the popular movement calls for radical moves towards this strategic integration.

This fragmentation has also occurred among most right-wing formations. Their re-alignment has been hampered, thanks to the consistent voice of the progressives. For example, the COSATU campaign against job losses, poverty and ignorance is not a romantic trip. It has silenced the nationalists and liberals.

Fighting poverty calls for integrated rural development, to which the union is committed. At the mining summit in February, mining companies committed themselves to this process and agreed to joint initiatives with the Mineworkers Development Agency [MDA] through the Employment Bureau of Africa. This bodes well for socio-economic development for the people of our land, where development has been largely skewed towards urban areas.

We are now experiencing urban migration unheard of in the annals of our history. This is leading to demographic congestion of untold dimensions in our urban centres. The 'Mokhukhu trail' is the reality of our day, leading to the occupation of every available space in the suburbs and townships.

Campaigns against retrenchment and for the implementation of the social plan have become an imperative that we can no longer postpone. In our townships and rural areas long, and ever lengthening, queues of the poor and unemployed have become the strange and frightening spectre of our times. This is the hallmark of globalisation -casualisation of labour, outsourcing and the contract labour system.

They have become the orphans of change in the new millennium. Companies are employing the scorched earth policy of increased production and productivity at all costs. Productivity has come to mean driving the working people beyond their capacity, with the attendant risk to their health and safety.

In the last six months, we at NUM have lived the agony of three fatal accidents in our mines. The social and economic costs of these preventable disasters are incalculable.

We need a better social security net. The union must fight tooth-and-nail against this insanity of the early retirement policy. In effect, it means retrenchments of workers by greedy companies. It means people join the poverty line earlier than they should have been spared. The meagre pensions cannot sustain them for long. We do not have the dole system in this country and the unemployed are left to the mercy of the unmerciful.

Integrated rural development is central to the struggle against poverty. Our rural areas are mostly peopled by old people - a legacy of skewed and unbalanced 'development' programmes of the past.

The scourge of HIV/Aids is a national disaster. Present infection rate trends and forecasts mark this disease as one of the leading killers of our times. We need to educate and train workers as our first priority and sensitise the whole of society.

We must build our organisation, through our ten-year plan. The integration of Cawu is an act of historical significance. It brings us one step nearer to the concept of one-country-one-federation. Three cheers to the NUM!

Organisation building is a daunting task, which the NUM, as a social force, is addressing with diligence, tact and foresight. Survival instinct and foresight places this awesome and historical responsibility on our shoulders.

Our congress was very successful. Once again the culture of addressing real issues was relived with vigour. A new national leadership was elected. Now, more than ever before, the time has come to fasten our seat belts and float in the stream of the fast changing world and focus on building our organisation and building the nation.

Enough is enough! No more deaths!

Western Cape taxi violence

By Randall Howard, General Secretary, SATAWU

The SA Transport and Allied Workers’ Union (SATAWU) was horrified at the murder of yet another Golden Arrow bus driver. Michael Magadlela was shot at point blank range on Saturday 17 June, the third bus driver to be murdered in the campaign of taxi operators to force Golden Arrow out of Kayelitsha. All three were trade union members – two belonging to SATAWU and one to TOWU.

SATAWU has expressed its condolences to the family of Michael Magadlela and hopes he will be the very last victim of the horrible violence being perpetrated against bus workers in the Western Cape.

The national leadership of SATAWU fully supported the decision of Golden Arrow workers to stop driving into Kayelitsha until they are assured of safety and protection.

Every worker must have the right to work in a safe environment. And in the case of public transport, it is the responsibility of the various tiers of government, together with the employers, to ensure that a safe environment exists. The application of regulations and law enforcement are the vehicles for ensuring such safety.

Safe transport is also the right of every passenger. They too have become the victims of a situation caused by poor transport planning and regulation.

SATAWU once again calls on the national government and the Western Cape provincial government to take urgent steps to stop the attacks on Golden Arrow bus drivers. We are not interested in hearing different tiers of government blaming each other.

Action must be taken, in line with various proposals SATAWU has previously made. The provincial MEC for transport in particular must either take a lead or be fired and replaced by someone who is prepared to take control of the situation.

We repeat a call previously made to the Ministers of Transport and Safety and Security and to the Police Commissioner to do the following:

SATAWU fully supports COSATU Western Cape region’s decision to prepare for a 24-hour strike in support of the Golden Arrow workers and victimised commuters. COSATU lodged a Section 77 application on 15 June. This meant that if no progress was made before 29 June, a general strike in the Western Cape could be called.

SATAWU wishes to correct the media’s reports of this situation as a conflict between two parties. Bus workers have never attacked taxi owners or drivers. SATAWU and its members (including both bus and taxi workers) are united in their stand in favour of a properly regulated and enforced public passenger transport system.

SATAWU’s bus and taxi members held a national workshop on 20/21 June to discuss how to consolidate the unity of public transport workers. COSATU’s National Executive Committee on 20/21 June also discussed the situation.

Home Contents Next
© COSATU