Volume 7 No 5 - July 1998
All about Cosatu's Historic Inaugural Central Committee
COSATU Central Committee programme of Action
Final countdown to the Jobs Summit
THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE has developed clear policies on socio - economic issues and our approach and contribution to the 1999 general elections. These policies will be circulated to our structures after some of the issues that could not be finalised by the Central Committee have been finalised at the October 1998 CEC. In the meantime, we include in some of the key resolutions.
This policy is binding on all our affiliates and members. It will hopefully help our cadres and structures to engage better in negotiations forums such as NEDLAC and provincial and local development forums. The Programme of Action adopted by the Central Committee has been widely circulated in our structures, including the recent Regional Congresses. We also include a copy of the Programme of Action in this edition. The National Office Bearers are in the process of breaking down the programme into concrete dates and steps that should be taken.
The Executive Committee in August will, amongst other issues, discuss how the Programme of Action should be taken forward. Regions that have held their congresses have already decided on how this programme should be implemented in their regions. This will be consolidated at the Exco.
The media has in the recent period been filled with speculation of an imminent collapse of the Tripartite Alliance. This follows the address of the ANC president, Thabo Mbeki, at the COSATU Central Committee and the SACP congress, as well as President Nelson Mandela's speech at the SACP congress.
The media chose to interpret these addresses as the worst ever public attack by the ANC on COSATU and the SACP. My view on comrade Thabo Mbeki's address is that it contained no such dressing down of COSATU and the SACP. What comrade Mbeki did was to defend GEAR in a more vigorous way than before.
A defence of GEAR by a comrade who believes that it is a correct policy cannot be interpreted as an attack on the SACP and COSATU. Nor does it mean that the days of the alliance are numbered. In the same way, the criticism of GEAR by COSATU and the SACP Should be construed as an attack on the ANC.
If we believe these press analysis and take the direction of being too sensitive to criticism, we are in danger of killing on of the pillars of strength of the liberation movement – vigorous debate and open but constructive criticism.
It is with sadness that this is the last edition of The Shopsteward be produced by the current Editor, Annette Griessel. Comrade Annette has resigned and will be joining the Department of Labour as Director of Communication. She has almost single – handedly developed The Shopsteward into what it is today – a forum for information and debate for COSATU cadres.
We wish her the best of luck in her new position and pledge that we will not let her good work go down the drain. Farewell Annette.
- Zwelinzima Vavi, Cosatu deputy general secretary
I read with interest your winning letter in The Shopsteward (Vol 7.4, June 98) by cde Dinga Sikwebu, Numsa national education secretary.
He says: "But more striking than the absence of guidance, is the assertion by the federation’s general secretary, Mbhazima Shilowa that ‘our support (for the ANC in the 1999 elections) is not conditional upon the ANC’s acceptance of our proposals’." I will choose this statement as the springboard for my argument.
I totally support cde Mbhazima’s statement, as quoted above. But my support is not only based on the fact that we vote for the ANC because of the broad thrust of the National Democratic Revolution. My vote for the ANC will not be because Cosatu has an alliance with the ANC. I want to state categorically in my individual capacity that I would have voted ANC even if the federation did not resolve to vote ANC in the 6th National Congress. I will vote for the ANC because:
For these reasons, an argument that says we are giving the ANC a blank cheque does not belong to this phase of struggle and this planet.
I want to make it clear that my letter is not intended to launch a vicious attack on Dinga nor to defend my general secretary, cde Mbhazima. I am sure he has a better collection of words to support his statement. I was triggered to respond to Dinga’s letter simply because I totally disagree with the notion that says we only vote ANC if the ANC agrees to an Alliance Programme, as discussed by the Cosatu Inaugural Central Committee from 22-25 June 1998.
In his letter, cde Dinga says "reclaiming freedom is the task of the federation". Of course he is right, as long as he tells us, from where do we reclaim our freedom. I want to believe that, instead of reclaiming our freedom, as he says, we need to consolidate and defend our freedom and liberation as an Alliance led by the ANC. We will be defending this freedom and liberation not only against arch-enemies of democracy and the bourgeoisie, as he calls them, but we will be defending it against all neo-liberals and counter-revolutionary draconian forces.
My argument, in brief, is that there is nothing wrong with us as Cosatu having a pre-election agreement or programme with the ANC, but there is everything wrong with putting that particular agreement/programme as a pre-condition for voting for the ANC. Perhaps when we have time to deliberate on issues, we should ask ourselves this broad question: who is the African National Congress?
With or without the Alliance programme, I would vote ANC and I think all of us must vote ANC for the reasons I stated earlier and other reasons, then we can talk programmes, agreements or accords as a secondary issue. What if the ANC disagrees with the programme? This is the question that we should all ask ourselves and maybe answering this question will put our minds and arguments to rest in unison.
Allow me to air my concern regarding the Alliance, whereby each day workers are exposed to different kinds of problems where they work.
Each day management at different workplaces plans to counter every achievement of these poor workers. Workers can protect their gains by attending their factory meetings, because there they get a chance to know what is happening in and around their factories. There is poor attendance at factory meetings because of lack of relevant information. Union officials take long to visit factories and give direction which was lost after the 1994 elections. The struggle started to lose direction because of the notion that the ANC had won the race. The fact of the matter is that the ANC is in government, and not in power.
The community, through individual workers, should be made aware of what is happening all over South Africa. Cosatu wants to swell its coffers through its recruitment campaign. It should at the same time educate these recruits and the already recruited about the importance of black empowerment which will result in self-sufficiency. That in itself will explain the ANC slogan of jobs for all.
Workers should be taught in no uncertain terms to stop relying on union officials. Workers should know that they are employing union officials and that the unions are theirs. Union officials should get mandates. It is a well known fact that union officials call the shots instead of vice versa. The answer is simple, workers don’t know who is the boss. The newly recruited members don’t know the relationship between their union and Cosatu.
As charity begins at home, affiliate unions should start at the factory when educating workers. The spotlight must be put on the factory office bearers. They are the pillars of the union. If an office bearer can draw 100% attendance at the factory level, this will spill over into the full mobilisation of the whole population.
Cosatu says socialism is the future, but the workers that the giant federation claims to represent don’t know what is socialism, let alone the difference between capitalism and socialism. This socialism, like charity, should begin at factory level. The first step is to arm the factory office bearers. They should not only be taught how to defend one another in an inquiry. Cosatu has to politicise its officials.
Truly speaking, the Alliance exists only on paper and at the top. If there was a physical existence of the Alliance, the community and workers in particular wouldn’t be swimming in the pool of pandemonium as is the case now. People aren’t quite sure if what Motsoko Pheko and Bantu Holomisa is saying is true or false, but in reality these two gentlemen are just making a noise – what they say lacks substance.
People believe half of what Nelson Mandela says on TV because of the difficulties in implementing ANC ideology. People have lost interest in what Sam Shilowa says on TV, because a single councillor elected by the community does not understand the principals of the RDP and its necessity in the community, which makes delivery or implementation difficult. The result is hopelessness among the electorate. After winning elections, councillors are now doing clerical duties. Just what they are writing about, nobody knows. They let the fires (structures) die. 1999 is fast approaching, but the black masses are more confused than ever because of these self-appointed clerks-cum-councillors who represent their jackets. A living example occurred in Potgietersrus during the preparations of the Freedom Day celebrations, where Cosatu was expected to give a speech but was only invited two days before.
On 1 May, Cosatu invited Northern Province premier Ngoako Ramathlodi to represent the ANC at the Workers Day rally at Mahwelereng Stadium. He delivered a cold, short, boring, empty and unpolitical speech. I for one was very surprised that this man who is said to be doing such a good job in ridding the province of ghost workers, who is aware of the escalating crime in the province, who is heading the poorest province in South Africa with the highest failure rate, can be so silent with all this on his lap. But with this kind of premier the ANC is expecting a landslide victory in the 1999 elections.
If the Alliance hopes to get a two-thirds majority, they must create awareness among the masses by deploying popular ANC and Cosatu heavyweights to update the rural masses and to get first-hand information about the place. Then the councillors will be able to steer the mobilised masses in the right direction. It is then that these masses will understand and give an ear to what shopstewards say to them. It is then that socialism will start to gain momentum or people will choose if socialism is the future.
The ANC secretary general, cde Kgalema Motlanthe, raised a storm the other day by saying that the ANC should get a two-thirds majority to have unfettered power. But if you ask whether the people understand a two-thirds majority, you will be surprised.
Cosatu, through its affiliates, is toyi toying, the masses through Sanco are toyi toying. The National Party says it’s a sign of anger against the ANC. It is true, it’s a sign of anger, but is it directed to the ANC or the GNU? Do these people know who is governing? Is anybody present out there who can tell if these people are frustrated or angry or arrogant?
The fact of the matter is that the ANC is delivering. The Alliance fought for the people’s rights which resulted in the writing of the world’s best constitution. But because there is nobody to arouse awareness among the impoverished rural masses, this constitution and its Bill of Rights remain a white elephant.
It is important to show the people that the struggle is not over. That among those rights there is a right to strike which was fought for by the Alliance. There is a saying that goes, "When the purpose is not known, abuse is inevitable". The Alliance should start now to teach the people the importance of:
Aluta Continua! Viva the Alliance!
I would like to make a little contribution on the very crucial debate on the NUM releasing comrade James Motlatsi to serve on the Board of Anglogold.
The labour movement as a representative of the industrial working class is faced with many challenges in the changing situation. The trade unions’ contribution in this political economic struggle is very important because we are engaged in hard struggle. We all know that at present workers do not control how production is organised. We are organised in an undemocratic way in the workplace and so can easily be exploited.
I think we all know that there are changes taking place in the world as a whole and also our country since April 1994 has made some drastic changes through internal and external influences. But three main characteristics of capitalism are still fundamental in this epoch: private ownership of capital; the motive of making profit and private enterprise in competition with each other.
Capitalism is a system of profit based on greed — the bosses are always greedy for more profit. They only think about themselves and their profit, they don’t even care if workers die of hunger. The day a boss thinks about how workers and their families are suffering, is the day that a boss stops being a boss. The only way to make profits is to steal from workers, refuse to pay a living wage and rob and tame the working class and its leadership. We should always bear in mind that making profits certainly remains an industry’s major objective. Any worker representative may sit on the Board of Directors and have a say in the company’s decisions. That will not stop the company from generating more profits, but the system is trying to remedy its defects and to humanise itself.
NUM needs to be very vigilant and not find itself throwing the good soldier of the workers into the den of capitalist wolves. I may agree with the strategic challenge and intention of NUM in achieving their goal. But the way they want it to achieve it needs intensive and serious debate by all Cosatu affiliates, because it may set a qualitative compromise which will be difficult to reverse. We want to "End capitalism not to Amend it".
