Volume 6 No 5 - October / November 1997
On Friday 19 September, we concluded a successful sixth national congress. This congress was characterised by open and frank debate, maturity in handling differences of opinion, a focus on organisational and international issues which for many years were never properly dealt with and a recommitment to the Alliance-led national democratic revolution and socialism.
Those who expected to see blood spilt between COSATU and the ANC were disappointed with the outcome, particularly on GEAR, the Alliance and the decision to back the ANC in the next elections. The challenge we face now is how we will translate these resolutions into reality. This will require that we put together all the resolutions in a booklet, communicate them to our members and the public and use shopstewards and other leaders as an educational resource to ensure their successful implementation.
In April next year, we plan to have a recruitment drive to swell the ranks of COSATU and its affiliates. All our shopstewards will be expected to participate effectively in the campaign. Locals and affiliates are expected to identify areas for recruitment where we are weak despite our potential to grow.
One of the challenges facing those in elected positions at all levels is the decision that representation at local, provincial and national level executives should be by elected leaders. This means that they can no longer duck their responsibilities. The same applies to the establishment of the Central Committee as a decision-making structure. Leadership can no longer stay away from decision-making structures dominated by workers in the hope that decisions will be mere recommendations.
Those who were hoping that we would abandon our commitment to socialism were mistaken as the congress decided that this is our future that we will begin to build now. Those who expected workers to shy away from taking leadership positions in the ANC and the SACP have been equally surprised. Workers are committed to ensuring that the ANC becomes working class biased as we engage in continued struggles for the transformation of our country.
The past few weeks have seen a renewed attack against the Alliance by business and the commercial press. What are our sins? You guessed right — it is our agreement on major areas of the Bill. They were hoping for an Alliance showdown. When this failed to materialise, they accused us of sidelining NEDLAC. These are the same people who call for NEDLAC to be disbanded.
The agreement, which is reported on elsewhere in this edition, was not a technical agreement brought about by negotiations alone. It is a result of workers’ struggle for better working conditions, the political will by the Alliance to resolve our differences as well as a realisation by the Alliance leadership that we should not squander our weapon for transformation
From 11 to 13 November 1997, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission will be holding hearings on the relationship between capital and apartheid and the role they played by omission or commission. COSATU will present evidence that will show that, while we were persecuted under apartheid, business was part of the apartheid machinery, supported it, benefitted from it and helped create a climate conducive to worker oppression and exploitation.
Many of us remember how business used migrant labour as a source of cheap labour. Workers wishing to join trade unions were prevented from doing so by both employers and the apartheid regime. Those who were able to do so either lost their jobs or landed in jail. Most workers were dismissed for engaging in strike action. Even after the 1979 ‘labour reforms’, business refused to accept change. Indeed, when they realised that COSATU unions and workers generally were using the opened space effectively, they resorted to liaison committees. When this failed, they requested their government to pass the famous Labour Relations Amendment Act of 1988. These people today claim to have destroyed apartheid.
We are not going to these hearings as victims of apartheid, but as people who have brought about the current changes in spite of business and apartheid. We are going to show that these people have not only worked with apartheid, but that they still long for its return, as can be seen from their attitude to the current labour reforms. It is for this reason that we will ask the TRC to ensure that these philistines be required to build a museum for workers’ struggle, put more money into training, close the apartheid wage gap, end forced single sex hostels etc. Failure to agree to the above will be proof enough that capital has yet to embrace the new South Africa.
- Mbhazima Shilowa
What are your views on how to implement the COSATU congress resolutions, socialism, the economy and other national issues?
Write to The Shopsteward about issues being debated in your union and elsewhere. Send your letters to: The Shopsteward P O Box 1019 Johannesburg 2000
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Reading the extract of the paper written by Peter Mokaba in the Mail & Guardian of 3-9 October 1997, reminded me of a conversation I had with a comrade at the ANC Western Cape provincial conference not so long ago.
The comrade I was speaking to happened to be from the same political generation as Peter Mokaba and myself. I quote him as follows, "the ANC is not the same as in the pre-1994 period".
Today I see the main thrust of the comrade’s concern. During my days as the secretary of the ANC Youth League, we used to engage each other in a very robust manner on the strategic objectives of the liberation movement. On one such occasion we invited Peter Mokaba to speak on the late Cde Joe Slovo’s document "Has socialism failed". Mokaba was so impressive in representing the position of the left that he even made a fundamental critique by saying that Cde Joe made a blunder by talking about "democratic socialism". He substantiated this by saying that socialism, by nature, is democratic as a way of life. He also said that Cde Slovo is like a sangoma who fails to apply scientific analysis to the problems and crisis facing the Soviet Union.
I wonder whether Mokaba remembers the founding principles of the Alliance. Let me remind him and the nation at large, and in particular his new found ally Mr Martinus Van Schalkwyk: The Alliance has a historical mission to achieve the aims and objectives of the National Democratic Revolution. The tasks of the NDR are interrelated challenges that the struggling people of the country have to confront.
In Europe it was partly the initiative of an enterprising bourgeoisie attempting to consolidate linguistic and cultural bonds of various principalities, to bring constitutional and legal convergence for the purpose of commercial intercourse, that led to the idea of a nation. It was however different, if related, concerns that informed nation formation in South Africa based on the Freedom Charter and gave rise to the Alliance. The Freedom Charter speaks about socio-political and economic liberation of the people, which is different from what Mokaba understands to be capitalist-driven transformation.
Revolutions, since the French Revolution, have also been about democracy. Democratisation was introduced for the first time when people started to participate and involve themselves around issues that affected them directly.
The main form of this democracy has been reduced to occasional involvement in politics [elections] and to representative democracy. It is however important for Mokaba to note, with particular reference to the experiences of our own struggle, that the concept means participation and control of other aspects of human life such as work, the economy and the community, which for the "Free Marketeers" means the survival of only those who "have".
I would like to say to Mokaba and his allies that the question of the Alliance is not a choice but a commitment to better the lives of unemployed workers, employed workers, women, the youth and the rural poor. Policies that are developed today by the ANC-led government are specifically about that. It is this same mandate that he is questioning in his document to the ANC conference. It is also the vigilance of the SACP, an equal partner of the Alliance, that is making sure that these policies and programmes create the space for a better life for all. At the same time I wonder what qualitative inputs he is making in his ministry in addressing the above?
In the context of Mokaba’s paper and as deputy minister of a sector of the economy that the underprivileged and oppressed were sidelined from for decades, it raises serious concerns that our people will be affirmed to interface and become active parties in the development of coastal management and marine resources.
We understand that the battle for the soul of the ANC has been there since its inception. With all forces within the ANC there is common ground and an understanding that South Africa belongs to all who live in it. That there shall be houses, security and comfort for all and that the people shall share in the wealth of the country. This is a clear fundamental break from the "free market and democratic capitalism" notion that Mokaba refers to.
As a member of the ANC/SACP and head of the FAWU education department, I would like to remind Mokaba that super profits cannot be democratic under individual or minority ownership — social ownership is the future for a better life for all.
With respect for change and transparency I wish to raise a final question — did Mokaba fool us all during the height of our struggle years?
— Phillip Nyongwana, Head of the FAWU Education Department, Cape Town
As a union, we are asking, what are the benefits for workers if SARS is privatised? What does it mean to the ANC as an organisation? And how will the community benefit from this privatisation?
Are the ministers carrying out the policy of the organisation or their own policy? SARS is still under the control of the Broederbond and, as such, they are being offered autonomous status. Previously, under the apartheid regime, they did not talk about privatisation. Why at this stage?
We as NEHAWU members under SARS say no to privatisation. The wealth of this country is still in the hands of minority and the standards of living also still favour the minority. We call on comrades at workplaces all over the country to object to privatisation.
SARS is the engine of the government, and if we remove the engine from the car, we will not be able to use it. It is the same for the government — if we remove SARS from the government, it will be a government without financial resources.
— Nevondo, NEHAWU Branch Media Co-ordinator
It is with shock and a feeling of helplessness that I read in the COSATU Web page of the untimely and tragic death of sister Dorothy Mokgalo, a great trade union leader and fighter for the oppressed. I had the pleasure of meeting and travelling with her during the congress of LO Denmark in 1996. We even discussed the possibility of her attending a leadership seminar at the Afro-Asian Institute at the Beit Berl Labour campus near Tel Aviv. Her extremely hectic and busy work schedule prevented her participation this year but she had an open invitation, which unfortunately will not come to fruition now.
She was so lively and cheerful, a ray of sunlight in the grey and dismal Copenhagen weather at the time. We discussed the state of the universe, dwelled upon workers’ issues and the question of equal rights, swapped photographs and "boasted" about our children.
We tentatively planned in our heads a future seminar-workshop on political consciousness raising for women activists between South African, Israeli, Palestinian and Scandinavian women. We agreed that it was only with direct participation of more women in the decision making process and leadership positions that peace would come to this troubled world. The mothers and wives lend a moderating influence.
How sad that this wonderful, buoyant lady has been taken away from all of those who knew her from all walks of life.
Please extend my belated but heartfelt condolences to Dorothy’s immediate family and the COSATU brotherhood. She will always be remembered.
— Dov Randel, Israeli trade-unionist
I have been employed by the Department of Correctional Services for a period of 23 years now, but if I compare my basic monthly salary with that of my white counterparts who have served for the same amount of time and less, I find a huge gap between them. This means our white counterparts are still on top of the salary scales, as they were previously pushed up the scales through promotions without reason.
I want to urge The Shopsteward to investigate the matter and come up with something that will cure the imbalances of the past. I would suggest that the salary scales be determined by length of service to those with poor school qualifications.
— Cde Ngwako Mokgokoni, POPCRU, Gauteng
The campaign to close the apartheid wage gap is an important COSATU campaign. We suggest you take it forward in your union, POPCRU.
The country’s budget should not be left to one person — Trevor Manuel — or his consultants and advisors. The labour movement, business, NGOs etc. must take part in drawing up the new budget because all of us are paying tax. This arrangement must happen nationally, regionally and locally.
The Alliance must continue but we made a mistake as members of the Alliance in not deciding, after we took power, what will be our role as COSATU, SANCO, and the ANC, including in government. We did not come up with clear guidelines. Nationally and regionally the Alliance is functioning better, even though we have some problems with Gear. Sometimes we must disagree, because we are independent.
Locally is where the most problems are. One of the problems is Masakhane. As COSATU we support this campaign but people on the ground are not taking it seriously because our councillors are taking decisions for them. There is no fair political activity amongst the members of the Alliance on the ground. Constructive criticism is not allowed. If you criticise what is wrong, they will say you are selling out. National and regional leaders of the Alliance together must go down to the locals, e.g. in Thembisa, Tsakane and KwaThema, and find out about the problems there so that the Alliance can grow stronger and stronger.
Our local government leaders are destroying the name of our government that we stood for and fought for. Now as COSATU we will be able to convince the people on the ground to vote again for the movement while others have their own self interest.
The people of South Africa cannot abandon mass action. Mass action is the only power that we have. The government wants to privatise electricity, water and public transport like trains. But these are some of the basic needs for disadvantaged people. Mass action is the answer to stop privatisation. The government has been elected mostly by those who are poor and they must listen to those poor people. If they can’t, mass action must take its course.
In our companies we are still suffering because apartheid is still there. People, mostly black, who are members of the union, are losing jobs because the employers are anti-union. The union is teaching the workers their rights. There is no democracy in our companies. We must not make that mistake and disband our unions. Long live COSATU!
We as workers must fight to have full control of our Provident Fund. That money can be used directly to build houses for workers. It must be monitored to ensure that it is doing the right job for workers. The workers are sick and tired of borrowing money from banks. The government must support those who are unemployed with a programme of low-cost housing.
Crime is a problem in this country. It is caused by unemployment. The government agreement on trade and tariff reductions is one thing that causes unemployment.
The youth of this country under the banner of SAYCO and COSAS from 1984 onwards tried by all means to stop crime and we were successful. The government must make means to employ those youth into the police force as they are known by their community.
As a shopsteward and community leader I know in my area that if the police can employ so and so, the crime can go down. There are people who are trusted by their community and hated by criminals. In every area when police are to be employed, the local leaders must be consulted. They must stop taking decisions alone in Pretoria.
— Jabulani Hlatshwayo, NUMSA shopsteward, Springs local, member of SANCO, ANC, ANCYL.
Today, the national liberation movement has become one of the chief motive forces of the world revolutionary process. Hundreds of our people who had been enslaved and suppressed by the colonial regime are making their own history today.
Importantly, we must first understand that all revolutionary forces must be vigilant to make sure that progressive revolutionary reforms are carried through. As we know from history, the defence of a revolution from counter-revolutionary forces is an objective need. No revolution is worth anything unless it can defend itself.
Lenin said "From the democratic revolution we shall at once, and precisely in accordance with the measure of our strength — the strength of the class-conscious and organised proletariat — begin to pass to the socialist revolution. We stand for an uninterrupted revolution. We shall not stop half way."
Let us for a while focus on the socialist countries. These socialist countries have fought tirelessly for socialism. Each of these countries contributed something of its own for some form of democracy. But they fought differently, for some variety of the dictatorship of the proletariat, for the varying rate of socialist transformation in the different aspects of social life. No single socialist country has ever copied mechanically the forms, methods and ways of socialist revolution in other countries. All the socialist countries accomplished their revolution in their own ways, dictated by the alignment of class forces in that country, by the national tradition and the international situation.
Can we start debating socialism in SA? Yes, because in SA we have preferred the peaceful way of accomplishing our revolution. The chief tasks of a socialist revolution are creative, because they require peace and preservation of the productive forces of society. It is important to note that the concept of a revolutionary situation is extremely important for the strategy and tactics of liberation struggle. History has shown us that there is no use trying to overthrow the power of the ruling class when there is no revolutionary situation.
After the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia, socialism was established as a reality within a relatively brief span of time and grew stronger to become the main revolutionary force. Socialism has proven beyond doubt its basic advantages over capitalism. Among the achievements of socialism are the elimination of all forms of social oppression and national inequalities, full employment, free education and medical care, state social insurance, cheap housing, crisis-free economic advancement and genuine democracy which gives rise to unprecedented large-scale activity of the popular masses in every area of public life, and many other things which the working class never knew under capitalism. Socialism today is the bastion of all progressives, of peace fighters, of the democratic and national liberation forces. It is the vanguard and the strongest support of the world revolutionary process.
We are now in a democratic situation. So we need to draft our own way of moving towards socialism. Karl Marx and Lenin taught us how to make it. So let’s start today!
— Calistro Bhila, Malelane
Up in the morning at five, so that my family may survive
Slogging and slaving away, for the bosses the whole damn day
When the day is through, it’s to the ghetto with me and you
This is a worker’s prayer, this is a worker’s prayer.
For whom do we slave all day, for the bosses who refuse to pay
Living a kingly life, while all around there is suffering and strife
The only way to overcome, is to unite and to fight the scum
This is a worker’s prayer, this is a worker’s prayer.
And when a worker gets too old, he is pushed out into the cold
For he no longer can hold his own, and every dog has to fight his bone
This cannot go on, and on, and on
Unite! workers! unite!
Fight till the system is gone
We must create a new world, where we must help and we must build
By working and learning to make a world that’s free and without hate
So come and show that we are strong
Unite! Workers! Unite!
This is a worker’s prayer, this is a worker's prayer.
- The Worker, CWU, Western Cape
The Tripartite Alliance has made a significant breakthrough in reaching agreement on the Basic Conditions of Employment Bill.
As The Shopsteward went to press, COSATU was preparing to make its submission on the Bill to the parliamentary standing committee on 28 October.
COSATU announced that an all-night meeting on 21 October, attended by high-level leaders of the ANC, SACP and COSATU, had made substantial progress in closing the gaps on the Bill’s core issues.
In the light of this progress, the federation suspended the general strike planned for 27 and 28 October, pending the finalisation of the Bill in parliament.
A COSATU Special Executive Committee on 24 October broadly accepted the positions emerging from the Alliance meeting as the basis for an agreement, with some amendments.
The common Alliance approach to the Bill is seen as a significant political advance in that it represents a strengthening of the Alliance and a growing Alliance unity that COSATU has been striving for.
The federation has been calling for the Alliance to drive the policy-making process and transformation more broadly — a sentiment endorsed at the Alliance Summit at the end of August. The near agreement on the Bill shows that this now seems to be paying off.
The Alliance has also made a point of calling for leaders of its component organisations to see themselves as leaders of the Alliance as a whole. The closing of ranks around the Bill is a clear indication that this is now beginning to take place.
The fact that top Alliance leaders participated in the meeting is also seen as evidence that the Alliance partners are taking the process seriously. The ANC delegation included deputy president Thabo Mbeki, acting general secretary Cheryl Carolus, labour minister Tito Mboweni, transport minister Mac Maharaj and trade and industry minister Alec Erwin. The SACP delegation included acting national chairperson Blade Nzimande, national treasurer Kay Moonsamy, parliamentary labour committee head Godfrey Oliphant and MPs Philip Dexter and Yunus Carrim.
COSATU delegates to the meeting were president John Gomomo, deputy general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi, vice president Connie September, treasurer Ronald Mofokeng, CWIU’s Muzi Buthelezi, NUMSA's Peter Dantjie and COSATU negotiations head Khumbula Ndaba.
The 24 October Exco broadly endorsed the Alliance agreement but pointed to some areas that need further discussion in the Alliance or refinement. However, the Exco was keen for the Bill to go through parliament in this session.
Following the Alliance meeting, Vavi and Mboweni were mandated to continue to refine agreements on the Bill. These would be introduced to the labour standing committee as amendments for consideration.
Once passed, the Act is expected to come into operation in May or June next year. This means that agreements reached on additional areas not resolved before the Bill is passed this year could be passed as amendments before the Act is implemented.
COSATU said its Central Executive Committee meeting from 4-6 November would further assess the extent to which the federation’s concerns had been accommodated and take a final decision on a general strike and mass mobilisation.
At the time of going to press, the following agreements had been reached on core areas:
It was agreed that weekly working hours be reduced to 45 hours but that a schedule to the Act would record procedures to achieve a 40-hour week. This will include reports to NEDLAC and parliament two years after the Bill has been enacted and every two years thereafter.
These reports will include a consolidated schedule of working hours in different sectors and recommendations on how to achieve the goal of a 40-hour week.
Where workers are already working less than 45 hours a week, it was agreed that the Bill would protect existing collective agreements, particularly those that are more favourable.
It was also agreed that the 45-hour maximum weekly hours be included in the list of core rights that cannot be varied downwards.
There is agreement that the overtime rate be set at time and a half (11/2) , as captured in the Bill.
COSATU supports the definition of a child in the Bill (below 18 years), but is opposed to the Bill’s provision that the minimum employment age be set at 15 years. COSATU wants it to be 16 years. While disagreement on this was recorded, it was agreed that this should not prevent the Bill’s passage through parliament.
It has been agreed that the Bill should provide for four months paid maternity leave and that women who go on maternity leave should enjoy job security. COSATU will continue to push for the Bill to provide for two months optional maternity leave in addition to the four months paid maternity leave.
It was agreed that the Bill should establish a basic floor of rights for all workers and that certain rights would be classified as core rights that cannot be varied downwards. Core rights include:
duty to arrange working time with due regard to health,
safety and family responsibility;
night work health and safety provisions;
two weeks annual leave;
sick leave, except to the extent provided by the Act;
maternity leave;
forced and child labour;
45-hour working week.
In addition, it was agreed that no variation be allowed unless workers’ terms and conditions as a whole are as favourable as those provided for in the Bill.
Individual agreements can only vary meal intervals to 30 minutes; working an extra 15 minutes at the end of the day; getting extra time off instead of pay for working overtime or on a Sunday; taking a rest day on a day other than Sunday; getting a longer sick leave at less than full pay but not less than 75% pay; getting payment for annual leave on a day other than beginning of leave.
Variation by collective agreement at workplace or company can only negotiate changes to the Bill on any issues covered above under individual agreements; averaging of working time and changing the number of days and circumstances of family responsibility leave. While the Bill says notice periods can also be varied by collective agreement, COSATU wants this excluded.
Variation by Bargaining Councils will be permitted to the extent provided for in the Act, i.e. the issues outlined under individual and collective agreements.
NEDLAC negotiations on the Skills Development Bill have so far been relatively smooth, according to labour negotiators. There is much common ground between government and labour, but key differences have emerged with business.
In March this year, the government released a Green Paper, Skills Development Strategy for Economic and Employment Growth in South Africa. COSATU's March Executive Committee welcomed the Green Paper as a progressive document, but called for changes in certain areas.
The Bill was released in September and NEDLAC negotiations began on 3 October. The Bill’s first reading in parliament was initially planned to take place before the end of this year. It now seems likely that it will be delayed until the beginning of 1998. However, negotiators are still aiming to reach agreement in NEDLAC this year.
The need to boost investment in skills development as a cornerstone of economic growth and development has long been a key labour demand. The legacy of apartheid and a failure by business to invest in training has left the country with critical skills shortages. The Bill is aimed at redressing this legacy.
COSATU's key demands in the negotiations have been:
Labour has argued for an integrated education and training system which allows for the
progression and portability of workers. Labour has welcomed the Bill’s emphasis on
the National Qualifications Framework (NQF), which it says is central in introducing a
system of national standards and qualifications and will facilitate the recognition of
prior learning (RPL). RPL recognises knowledge and skills individuals have acquired
through work and life experiences, as well as through informal and formal training.
Through the development of national standards, workers will be able to progress up a
particular learning pathway and receive recognition across the system for their skills.
Labour says the Bill makes a vital contribution in recognising the need for programmes to enable learners to access the NQF. However, it argues that it is critical that both the unemployed and workers have access to learnerships.
Labour welcomes the Bill’s provision to set up a Research and Strategy Planning Unit (RSPU) and Employment Services. However, it says the Bill needs to ensure that young people who are future work seekers, workers facing retrenchment and the unemployed have access to the relevant research and information on labour market trends and skills shortages. This would help ensure appropriate placement of work seekers and facilitate appropriate training.
Labour supports the Bill’s provision that Sectoral Education and Training Authorities (Seta), not ETBs, seek accreditation with the SA Qualifications Authority (SAQA) and that Seta’s perform the quality assurance function. Where ETBs are education and training providers, they should not also have a quality assurance function — ETBs cannot be "players and referees" at the same time.
Labour has endorsed government’s proposal for the demarcation of 20 sectors as a basis for the establishment of Seta’s.
Labour endorses the Bill’s provisions for a National Skills Authority as a central body to which Seta’s and ETBs account and which allows for tighter coordination, monitoring and evaluation of training in the country.
Labour points out that financing of training in South Africa is way below that in OECD countries of between 4 and 7% of payroll. Labour has proposed a minimum levy of 2% of pay roll, with a 4% levy phased in over a three-year period. However, this should not undermine existing agreements to allocate more than this.
Labour supports the Bill’s provision that 20% of training levies collected should be used for target groups disadvantaged by current industrial training arrangements, including youth, students, rural women and people with disabilities. The other 80% will be distributed to the Seta’s.
COSATU will argue in its submission to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) that business was a willing accomplice in the apartheid system and helped create a climate conducive to the brutal repression the trade union movement suffered under apartheid.
Business propped up apartheid by demonising democratic trade unions, denying workers’ basic rights and refusing to adhere to basic health and safety standards, COSATU is expected to tell the TRC in its submission from 11-13 November.
Apartheid was not just a political system of racial oppression but an economic system which was profitable for business, says COSATU.
Employers bear responsibility for the death of hundreds of workers and the maiming of countless others due to hazardous working conditions. Not least of these was the 1986 Kinross disaster which claimed the lives of 177 mine workers. In the face of the tragedy, the apartheid government and mine management collaborated in preventing the NUM from seeing to it that justice was done.
Bosses refused to allow the NUM to visit the scene of the accident. An NUM rally to mourn the loss of their comrades was disrupted by riot police. Mine management sought to prevent the union from representing workers’ interests and the union was not allowed to cross examine witnesses at the inquiry into the accident.
When details of workers killed in accidents were released, mine bosses gave the names of white miners but, even in death, black workers remained nameless, described only as "Shangaans, Xhosas, Sothos".
The mine bosses’ role in entrenching oppression and exploitation since the early days of apartheid is relatively well-known. But business collaboration with apartheid extended to all key sectors of the economy. Today business presents itself as having always opposed apartheid, but the evidence points to the opposite.
COSATU's TRC submission is expected to name at least 60 individuals and companies which violated basic trade union and human rights, including Nampak, which was involved in spying on trade union activities.
Police executive Meyer Kahn, presented as an enlightened businessman in the media, is also expected to be mentioned, particularly for his role in the P W Botha government’s Stratcom, which plotted how to perpetuate apartheid and destroy the mass resistance movement which helped bring about apartheid’s downfall.
There were no laws that employers should fire workers engaged in trade union activities or when workers took to the streets in political strikes. But thousands of workers were dismissed for engaging in legitimate strike action, unionists were detained at the behest of employers and many were charged under trespass and other apartheid laws in an attempt to smash trade unions. J
The Friends of Cuba Society (Focus) will be hosting the second Alex la Guma Solidarity Brigade to Cuba at the end of the year. The brigade is open to all South Africans who would like to get a taste of Cuban life, find out more about the Cuban struggle and participate in solidarity actions.
In December last year, 40 South Africans formed the first brigade to Cuba. The group included trade unionists, government officials, students, journalists and NGO workers.
The brigade members (brigadistas) met the Cuban trade union federation and affiliates, teachers and student organisations, the Cuban Communist Party, the Young Communist League and various cultural and sports organisations.
Cuban boasts outstanding achievements in health, education and meeting social needs and the brigade was a tremendous learning experience for South Africans grappling with social transformation.
An key component of the brigade is to offer solidarity through manual labour. Brigadistas work in the fields and in construction in recognition of the centrality of labour and voluntary work in the Cuban revolution. Another significant feature of Cuban life is music, dancing and Cuban rum! The brigadistas returned home experts in salsa (Cuban dance).
The programme includes educational events, visits to factories, mass organisations and hospitals, discussions on current political issues as well as sightseeing, entertainment and visits to the beach. This year’s programme will also include a visit to the burial place of Ernesto Che Guevara, whose remains were finally laid to rest in Cuba in October this year on the 30th Anniversary of his death.
One of the brigadistas summed up Cuba in three words: salsa, sun and socialism!
Dates: 15 December 1997 to 4 January 1998.
Cost: R 8 000,00. This includes airfare, food, accommodation, insurance and internal transport but excludes extra spending money.
Closing date for applications and payment: 30 November 1996.
To apply and for more information, contact:
Noel Stott (Focus Gauteng)
(011) 403-4204
Rosemary Janches (Focus Gauteng) (011) 355-3539
Father Michael Lapsley (Focus W Cape) (021) 696-4866
Brian Redelinghuys (021) 462-2417.
Buoyed by greater openness within the Alliance on macro-economic policy, COSATU will argue at the ANC’s policy conference on 1 and 2 November that the Alliance commit itself to transform the budget into an effective tool for wealth redistribution, growth and development.
COSATU has identified budget reform as a priority since the government’s Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF), which will set government’s expenditure programme for the next three years, is earmarked for cabinet approval in December this year.
A COSATU paper, Sharpening budget reform for the effective delivery of the RDP, to be presented at the conference, argues that the country’s Budget is the most potent tool for RDP delivery and that the Alliance therefore needs a strategic approach to budget reform. Two key aspects should guide this approach, says COSATU:
"The budget can be used effectively as a ‘spear’ of the RDP, and the Constitution as an effective ‘shield’," COSATU says in the paper.
It argues that the parameters of budget reform and the MTEF need to allow greater flexibility in government deficit and revenue levels. This would ensure greater certainty in expenditure programmes.
"Such an approach will sharpen the budget as a tool, or ‘spear’, of the RDP by seeing to it that it is not blunted by the arbitrary parameters set by Gear," COSATU says.
The federation argues that discussion on budget parameters should not be restricted to the pro’s and cons of Gear as this would prevent a full debate within the Alliance on economic policy imperatives.
An alternative macro-economic framework should be developed which is appropriate to the sustained implementation of the RDP.
The paper adds that it would not be useful for COSATU develop an alternative to Gear "at this juncture", despite numerous calls from within the Alliance for it to do so.
"Rather than developing an alternative model to Gear, we wish to participate in Alliance discussions on what policies and principles should guide macro-economic policy."
While COSATU's paper focuses on Gear’s effect on budget reform, it points out that Gear also impacts heavily on other areas. It points out that processes flowing from the Alliance Summit on 31 August and 1 September will aim to develop a common Alliance approach to other contested areas such as trade and industry policy, infrastructural delivery and improved social security.
The introduction of the MTEF as part of the budget reform process is already underway. This will outline government’s expenditure programme in three-year cycles, allowing for more certainty over an extended time frame to facilitate better development planning.
COSATU says it supports the MTEF in principle as better planning should bring to an end massive rollovers of expenditure and allow for reprioritisation in line with RDP objectives.
However, it raises concern over the "inappropriate and arbitrary" parameters imposed on the budget by Gear.
"The MTEF, the very tool designed to help with the reprioritisation of the budget towards RDP priorities and to assist in medium term expenditure planning, is rendered problematic by Gear’s commitment to rigid targets limiting budget deficits and revenue collection," the paper says.
Gear requires deficits to be brought down to 4% and later 3% of GDP while revenue collection is required to be 25% of GDP. This means that expenditure is squeezed between deficit reduction targets and low tax ceilings, into increasingly narrow parameters.
Expenditure levels will therefore be dictated by Gear parameters and will depend on GDP growth rates.
"As the GDP level is unpredictable and, over the last two years has performed below prediction, government expenditure levels will be unpredictable and will slow with any slowing in GDP level. This contradicts the main objective of the MTEF, which is predictability in expenditure planning."
Unpredictable spending is inappropriate to South Africa’s development demands, which require well-targeted and well-planned state expenditure to kick-start economic expansion.
Instead of focussing on improving the quality and maximising the social returns of expenditure, the focus will be on arbitrary deficit reduction targets and revenue ceilings.
"Delivery of basic needs and services to the people will either be postponed, or not be met at all, since departments may be forced to extend delivery periods or cut programmes to meet deficit targets. Development thus becomes captive to the subsidiary objective of reducing the budget deficit and meeting revenue targets."
COSATU says Gear’s fixing of government revenue at 25% of GDP "ties the hands of government" and weakens its potential to deliver.
This is an unnecessary compromise to business since the tax burden has increasingly shifted from business to individuals. Between 1976 and 1995, corporate tax contributions to total revenue has dropped from 35% to 12,5%, whereas personal tax contributions have increased from 24,7% to 40,9%.
COSATU also argues that the 25% of GDP revenue ceiling is extremely low, as many countries have a 40% ratio, with a ratio of more than 50% during developmental periods.
The paper says that, instead of setting rigid, arbitrary parameters as in Gear, deficit and revenue targets should be set within a "flexible band". This would allow for greater certainty of expenditure levels and facilitate medium-term planning.
An expenditure programme should be laid out in the MTEF and pursued despite fluctuations in the GDP level. GDP fluctuations should be absorbed by variations in deficit and revenue levels within the identified bands.
COSATU says there are strong economic arguments for the implementation of such an expenditure-driven approach to budget reform.
"There are many examples of countries around the world that used well-planned public expenditure programmes to kick-start development in their economies. Judicious expenditure can play an important role, not only in meeting basic needs, but also in financing industrialisation strategies, boosting Small Medium and Micro Enterprises (SMMEs), financing job-creating public works programmes and financing productivity-enhancing social expenditure and infrastructural expenditure."
"Well-planned public expenditure can initiate a virtuous circle of increased social investment, which ‘crowds-in’ increased private investment, which in turn expands the tax base allowing government to recoup previous expenditure through increased collection of taxes."
COSATU warns that the opposite route of cutting back public expenditure would lock South Africa onto a path of low-growth and under-development, and would severely undermine the developmental potential of the state.
This new approach would be more appropriate to the RDP’s expenditure priorities and its vision of the active role of the state in kick-starting economic growth and development. It would also be sustainable, as deficit and revenue levels would not be able to fluctuate outside of certain strictly enforced bands.
COSATU argues for thorough-going debate and discussion within the Alliance on how to achieve the vision of a People’s Budget.
"By now we are all aware that there is no way that any of these important matters can be declared ‘non-negotiable’ and, as agreed at the Alliance Summit, they 'cannot be cast in stone’.
"There is also a growing realisation that those disagreements that do exist are not disagreements between our organisational formations — the ANC, COSATU and the SACP — as much as they are disagreements which exist within and amongst all of us as an Alliance."
The Constitution outlines the process through which the budget becomes law and requires legislation empowering parliament to amend money bills, including the budget.
COSATU wants the highly secretive and centralised budget process inherited from apartheid to be replaced by a more open and participative process. However, the question is how far budget reform legislation should go.
"Part of the historic commitment of the liberation alliance that ‘The people shall govern’ means that parliament — as the people’s elected representatives — should be empowered to play an effective oversight role with regards to the Budget," says COSATU in its paper to the ANC policy conference.
The paper says that legislation empowering parliament to amend money bills such as the Budget should grant significant powers to parliament, if not to alter total expenditure levels, then to increase and decrease individual department’s budget votes, to introduce new expenditure items into the budget and to effect changes to Bills imposing taxes, levies and duties.
"It is an important matter of principle for the liberation alliance that the Constitution’s commitment to an effective oversight role for parliament in budgetary matters should be properly implemented."
COSATU points out that the RDP offers clear direction on the matter: "The democratic government must end unnecessary secrecy in the formulation of the budget. To that end, it must change the relevant regulations. We must establish a parliamentary budget office with sufficient resources and personnel to ensure efficient democratic oversight of the budget."
The paper calls for broader participation in the process of drawing up the budget through discussion on the proposed budget, the MTEF and its underlying economic assumptions, in parliament and at NEDLAC, some months prior to the presentation of the final budget in parliament.
"There is no contradiction between such an increased consultative process and parliament having ultimate oversight over the entire process," COSATU says.
COSATU's paper on budget reform repeats the federation’s oft-stated call for restructuring of government debt through the introduction of a pay-as-you-go method of funding public sector pension funds. It says this would dramatically enhance the sustainability of the new framework by reducing government debt thereby easing deficit problems. This would in turn make more funding available for reprioritised RDP expenditure.
The ANC policy conference is a key event as it will hone ANC policy in the build-up to the organisation’s national conference from 16-19 December.
In preparation for the policy conference, the ANC policy department hosted a workshop on 27 and 28 September, which COSATU attended.
Discussion on "governance and the state" at the workshop looked at how to realise the Freedom Charter’s objective that "the people shall govern", including ensuring participatory mechanisms in the development of ANC and government policy.
Workshop commissions on economic transformation, social services, infrastructure, peace and stability, governance and international affairs heard inputs from the relevant ANC ministers and senior officials in government departments.
Following the workshop, a series of papers are being drawn up for presentation at the policy conference.
SADTU's intervention in a proposed amendment to the South African Schools Act has led to a compromise which partially allays fears over the creation of a two-tier public schooling system — one for the privileged and one for disadvantaged communities.
The intervention came in the form of a submission to the parliamentary education portfolio committee by SADTU General Secretary Thulas Nxesi on 9 October. He was responding to a Schools Act amendment to allow school governing bodies powers to employ extra teachers privately, over and above government staff.
SADTU told the portfolio committee it was not opposed to the employment of extra teachers in the public school system. On the contrary, SADTU had long campaigned for improved teacher-pupil ratios in public schools. However, the union was against government reneging on its responsibility to employ sufficient teachers in all public schools.
Nxesi said there was a danger that the amendment could create a two-tier system of public schooling. The majority of schools — in townships, informal settlements and rural areas — did not have the capacity or the funds to employ extra teachers. The amendment would therefore perpetuate past inequalities. Schools in privileged areas would remain privileged and schools in poor areas would remain impoverished.
The union said the amendment also raised problems around the representation of "extra" teachers in the Education Labour Relations Council (ELRC) and whether they would be included in collective bargaining agreements.
The union felt that teachers’ gains could be rolled back and that downward variation of labour standards could be introduced. Schools could exploit teachers on private contracts, employing them at lower pay rates than state educators.
Schools with wealthy governing bodies could employ teachers at higher pay. They would therefore attract better teachers, particularly those with scarce skills such as maths and science, away from the rest of the public school system. Both these situations were unacceptable, SADTU argued.
Despite its initial opposition, SADTU realised that an outright rejection of the amendment would not bring government any closer to a progressive solution. After deliberations, the union decided to instead put forward a compromise in the form of conditions to the original amendment. The following conditions were agreed to:
The Schools Act amendments will also make staffing policy subject to ELRC negotiations and give the minister more powers to effect transformation.
SADTU said the compromise had partially allayed its fears of the creation of a two-tier public schooling system. However, the union will continue to monitor education transformation carefully.
"Government should not be allowed to abdicate its responsibility to provide basic minimum resources for education as this would undermine the whole concept of compulsory education," said Nxesi.
SAMWU will hold its 5th National Congress in Johannesburg from 29-31 October. The congress coincides with the union’s tenth anniversary celebrations, including a rally on November 1.
SAMWU was launched in Athlone, Cape Town on 24 and 25 October 1987. The union brought together five unions from divergent backgrounds and the launching congress was characterised by sharp debates on issues like organising strategies, international policy and building unity to advance municipal workers’ living wage struggles.
At the time of its launch, SAMWU had just 14 000 members. Today the union represents over 120 000 municipal workers in over 300 local authorities throughout the country.
As SAMWU approaches its next decade, a number of new challenges loom large on the horizon. Among the resolutions to be discussed at the congress are:
"As a union which operates in a sector which is feeling the effects of Gear, the congress has a mammoth task to set in place a framework within which the union will be able to defend and advance its members interests and those of the broader community which is crying out for basic services," said SAMWU.
COSATU's 6th National Congress from 16-19 September has placed the federation firmly at the centre stage of the country’s transformation process
Congress has committed COSATU to continue to play a central role in social transformation, to build the Tripartite Alliance and to refuse to be "spectators in the theatre of political, international and economic struggles".
"We will mobilise our members and the broader working class to defend the 1994 breakthrough, advance democracy and social transformation as well as prepare for a decisive victory for the ANC in the 1999 general elections," said COSATU's newly elected national office bearers after the congress. With over 2000 delegates, the congress was the federation’s biggest ever.
The NOBs said COSATU would also engage with its Alliance partners in developing a macro-economic strategy compatible with the needs of the working class.
They had harsh words for "those outside the Alliance and the MDM" who had expected the congress to be an anti-ANC rally. "These were the people who urged COSATU to leave the Alliance and to transform COSATU to serve capitalism better instead of focussing on the challenges of the national democratic revolution and the struggle for socialism," said general secretary Mbhazima Shilowa.
"We were expected by these elements to adopt resolutions that conform to the dictates of their ‘new world order’ in the name of pragmatism and realism. "
The congress strongly reaffirmed COSATU's commitment to strengthening the Tripartite Alliance. "We are all agreed that the success of the Alliance will depend in part on the role that COSATU members and the working class in general plays in building the ANC and the SACP, including effective participation at all levels," said the NOBs.
"Such participation will take into account the need to safeguard COSATU's independence, the responsibility that the leadership have to articulate COSATU positions to the membership and the public, our role as revolutionaries in transformation of our country as well as ensuring a working class bias in the ANC."
The congress gave a firm commitment to campaigning for an ANC victory in the 1999 elections on the basis of an Alliance election platform. COSATU's proposal for such a platform will be finalised at a meeting of the federation’s newly constituted Central Committee (CC) to be held next year. The CC will also further develop COSATU's socio-economic policy.
The congress reiterated COSATU's unwavering commitment to socialism and resolved to take concrete steps to "begin building socialism now".
"It is not socialism that has failed our country but capitalism under the stewardship of capital and the National Party," said the NOBs.
"We intend to relentlessly criticise the failures of capitalism in our country. Together with the SACP and where appropriate with the ANC, we will engage in public programmes that outline our views on socialism."
A large chunk of the congress was devoted to resolutions on building the organisation, proposals in the Secretariat Report and the September Commission and related amendments to the COSATU constitution. While the congress set broad policy on a number of issues, much of the detail and implementation programmes were referred to the CEC.
One of the most lively and lengthy debates was around a proposal from both the Secretariat Report and the September Commission that the federation adopt a quota system for women. While the quota system was not adopted, the congress has placed the development of women’s leadership at the centre of the federation’s programme. A resolution on the issue mandated the CEC to develop a broad political programme with a focus on:
The congress also directed the CEC "to set and monitor the implementation of measurable targets by affiliates and the federation" to achieve these objectives.
Following widespread discussion before the congress on COSATU's role, delegates resolved that the federation should intervene in affiliates where significant problems arise. The CEC will draw up guidelines on how and under what circumstances this intervention will take place.
The congress also resolved to strengthen COSATU locals and regions to deal with issues confronting is members on the shopfloor, in communities and at a political level.
COSATU NOBs said the federation’s executive committee members would be deployed to regional and local meetings in the build-up to COSATU regional congresses from 22-23 November.
They said COSATU would also focus on building the capacity of shopstewards to engage with management on democratising the workplace, defending and consolidating worker rights and servicing membership. This would help take forward the struggle for better working conditions and involve them in decision making in the federation.
In line with a resolution on building workers’ unity, the federation will approach NACTU and FEDUSA to take forward proposals on trade union unity.
Another key organisational resolution was on COSATU demarcation. The congress agreed in principle to the formation of broad sectoral unions, but referred a feasibility study on the issue and a decision on final demarcation to the CEC.
The congress stopped short of adopting a proposal on centralised collective bargaining within the federation, but agreed that the new broad sectoral unions would take responsibility for collective bargaining.
A key constitutional amendment was the formation of a new structure — the Central Committee, an idea which arose from the September Commission’s proposals on building the engines of COSATU. The CC, which has been likened to a mini-congress, will be COSATU's highest policy-making body in between congresses. It will meet once a year, except in years when COSATU congresses are held, and will be made up of one delegate for every 4000 members and COSATU NOBs. This will amount to about 500 delegates.
COSATU executive committees at a national, regional and local level will now meet monthly.
While the congress did not delve into socio-economic issues, it did adopt a declaration on Gear. This set out the reasons why COSATU rejects Gear as well as strategies to mobilise progressive organisations to resist elements such as subsidy cuts, privatisation and deregulation of the labour market.
COSATU NOBs said the federation would continue discussions with the ANC on a process to reach agreement on a macro-economic strategy based on RDP objectives. In line with the conclusions of the recent Alliance Summit, COSATU will also participate in the task team headed by Deputy President Thabo Mbeki looking at public sector transformation.
"We remain of the view that we should strengthen the role of the state in the productive sector of the economy as well as its capacity to provide basic services and infrastructure to communities," said the NOBs.
Proposals on socio-economic issues raised in the COSATU Secretariat Report, September Commission and affiliate resolutions have been deferred to a special CC, which is likely to be held in June next year.
The NOBs said, in the meantime, COSATU's approach to macro-economic policies would be guided by existing policies as outlined in labour’s Social Equity document, documents on restructuring of state assets and transformation of the public sector, and policies adopted at various COSATU policy conferences.
COSATU will raise its proposals at the ANC November policy conference, the December ANC National Conference, as well as the SACP’s 10th National Congress next year.
As part of the federation’s strategy to build international worker solidarity, the congress resolved to affiliate to the ICFTU.
"At the same time we will develop programmes aimed at building strong relations to unions in Southern Africa as well as the rest of the continent," said COSATU leaders.
"Congress has agreed to engage in struggles and awareness campaigns to expose the impact of globalisation on jobs, worker rights, sovereignty of nation states to provide social services etc.
"While we accept globalisation as a reality it is not a natural phenomenon or god given, but part of monopoly capital’s agenda to attack and undermine worker rights.
"We intend to put resources into building solidarity with unions in our region. At the same time, we will approach all international federations and national centres to agree on a programme of action focussed on globalisation and its impact."
Now that the congress is over, the challenge facing COSATU, its affiliates and structures at every level, is to ensure the implementation of the congress resolutions and other decisions. The first CEC after the congress, from 4-6 November, will discuss a three-year programme to give effect to this.
"The challenge we face as leadership," said COSATU NOBs, "is to carry through all congress decisions and continue to develop new policy proposals for consideration by the CEC and the CC.
"It is our intention to take all the congress decisions to the grassroots. We hope that all affiliates will also take steps to brief their membership on the outcome so that implementation is by all of our structures instead of the six NOBs."
Addressing delegates in his closing address to the congress, COSATU president John Gomomo said while the congress had adopted a range of resolutions, some workers in the mines, shops and factories did not yet know about these.
"It is your responsibility as delegates to take these back and debate them with your members to ensure that they are on board when we take our programme forward."
Most of the September Commission proposals were either incorporated into congress resolutions or referred to the CEC for consideration.
According to COSATU NOBs, the rest of the report will be used as resource material to continue to develop strategy and tactics to meet the challenges that lie ahead. This includes developing an approach to organise white-collar workers, vulnerable workers such as farm workers, domestic workers and the unemployed, they said.
President: John Gomomo
Re-elected president for a second term, NUMSA shopsteward at Volkswagen, Uitenhage
First Vice President: Connie September
Elected first vice-president, previously second vice-president; also SACTWU treasurer, shopsteward at Rex Trueform, Cape Town
Second Vice President: Peter Malepe
Elected second vice-president, also FAWU president, shopsteward at Premier Milling, Johannesburg
Treasurer: Ronald Mofokeng
Re-elected treasurer, CWIU treasurer, shopsteward at PG Glass, Johannesburg
General Secretary: Mbhazima Shilowa
Re-elected general secretary for a second term, TGWU national office bearer before he was elected as a COSATU national office bearer
Deputy General Secretary: Zwelinzima Vavi
Re-elected deputy general secretary (previously known as
assistant general secretary) for a second term, a former COSATU regional secretary and NUM
organiser.
There was much back-slapping and mutual praise between ANC and COSATU leaders at the opening session of COSATU's sixth national congress.
The keynote speaker was ANC president Nelson Mandela. And, if there was ever any doubt about COSATU's support for the ANC, this was firmly laid to rest by the tremendous welcome Mandela received from delegates.
On two occasions the congress broke out into chants of "ANC! ANC! ANC!", which must have warmed the president’s heart. Delegates also frequently sang a song — described as the top of the congress hit parade — in praise of Mandela and slamming Holomeyer — a reference to the anti-ANC grouping of former NP leader Roelf Meyer and former ANC MP Bantu Holomisa.
After the praise had died down, Mandela listened as COSATU president John Gomomo delivered a hard-hitting address outlining the federation’s analysis of the state of the nation and the challenges ahead.
Gomomo didn’t pull any punches. His harshest words were aimed at big business and their political allies, the NP, DP and the IFP. It was these forces which had always opposed and continue to oppose the Tripartite Alliance’s transformation policies and legislation, Gomomo said.
But he confessed that the Alliance had not functioned effectively over the past three years, particularly in areas such as joint policy formulation.
"We have failed to find a balance between our independent roles and our responsibilities as the Alliance leadership," Gomomo said.
"We have tended to see ourselves as leadership of our respective organisations rather than as Alliance leaders. We have failed to agree on what the opportunities, possibilities and constraints are in the current situation. This in turn has led to unnecessary tensions within the Alliance."
Given this situation, the only hope for transformation lay in a strong Alliance-led programme, Gomomo said.
He said progress had been made in areas such as labour legislation, the new constitution, electricity and water, health and education. But he reaffirmed COSATU's well-known rejection of the government’s macro-economic strategy, Gear. To delegates’ delight, Gomomo called it "the reverse gear of our society" and "a monster". Government had adopted Gear without the participation of the Alliance, stating that it was non-negotiable, he said.
Gomomo gave a detailed account of COSATU's problems with Gear, which he said would curtail the government from addressing the legacy of apartheid. "It remains an empty shell which will not deliver any benefit to the working class, particularly the unemployed and the rural poor."
But COSATU's rejection of Gear and its analysis of the weaknesses and challenges of transformation in no way detracted from the federation’s recognition of Mandela’s role as a giant in the struggle for a better life for all South Africans.
At the end of his address, Gomomo announced that COSATU office bearers, in recognition of Mandela’s role in the liberation struggle, had decided to give him a token of their appreciation on behalf of COSATU members.
COSATU assistant general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi then delivered a tribute to Madiba, describing his presence at the congress as a very special occasion for delegates and the workers they represent.
"Whilst our hearts are filled with joy at sharing a piece of you, we are regrettably mindful of the fact that this COSATU national congress is the last you will address as president of our important ally — the ANC — and our country.
"We want to thank you for your wisdom in putting our country firmly on the road of social and economic justice. Your name will continue to shine in our hearts like a diamond in the desert. We have no doubt that your name shall be written in bold letters, not only in the books of historians but in the hearts of generations of our people to come."
As a token of gratitude to the "unifier of our nation", Vavi presented Mandela with a painting of a peasant woman with a baby on her back, working in the fields. "This symbolises the hard labour of workers contributing to the economy of the country and the welfare of their families," Vavi said.
The tribute brought delegates to their feet, evidence that it reflected their own heartfelt feelings.
This was the backdrop to Mandela’s address. And few were surprised when he diverted from his prepared speech to in turn shower praise on Gomomo, calling his speech "a masterful address".
Mandela said the wealth of this country is not measured just by its minerals but by the calibre of the men and women it has produced. Gomomo’s address was a striking illustration of the fact that South Africa has outstanding leaders, he said.
"Anyone who is involved in the building of the new South Africa is advised to read this address," Mandela said.
He went on to give recognition to COSATU's role in the difficult anti-apartheid days, in building the new South Africa and in retaining political power.
Mandela said he has never had the slightest doubt that the ANC would win the 1999 elections. In the 1994 elections, the ANC failed to win a two-thirds majority as it was unable to campaign properly and had to contend with "a powerful and evil enemy". Democratic South Africa was now in control and an independent election process would be in place.
The president drew on the example of SWAPO in Namibia, which failed to win a two-thirds majority in the country’s first post-independence elections but did so in the second elections.
"We must be encouraged by that example and go out full steam to mobilise for the 1999 elections," Mandela said.
He dismissed opposition accusations that an ANC victory would turn South Africa into a one-party state. "They have short memories," he added, "when for more than three decades they had a one-party state in this country."
Like Gomomo, Mandela pointed to successes scored in improving the lives of the poor. "We can rejoice in the fact that, on average, every single day since the democratic movement took office, 1 000 people have gained access to clean water; that each week has on average brought another two clinics with access to health care for some 20 000 people; that currently 1 000 electricity connections are being made each day and 1 000 houses are being brought into construction or completed under the government’s capital subsidy programme every two and a half days."
Mandela said one of the tasks of the Alliance leaders was to help communicate the reality that such programmes were changing millions of lives. "The foundation for a better life has been laid. Our task is to speed up implementation."
He went on to highlight other gains affecting workers such as the new constitution and NEDLAC.
But Mandela acknowledged the need for more effective liaison and consultation on policy matters. "They provide a context for broaching issues which remain unresolved or are being debated, not only between government and organised labour, not only between the ANC and COSATU, but also within the ANC as much as within COSATU itself."
The recent successful Alliance Summit, Mandela added, had agreed on processes for continuing discussion where differences remain.
Public sector restructuring, macro-economic policy and labour market and industrial development strategies were fundamental to the transformation process. The Alliance needed to focus on strengthening consensus on policies and measures to promote shared goals in these areas.
The ANC president then began to lay the basis for a possible approach to reaching consensus, even on issues as controversial as Gear. The nature of the Alliance meant that its partners would not agree on all matters, he said. What was important was a readiness to discuss disagreements when they do arise and a shared commitment to find solutions. It is therefore not in keeping with the Alliance’s character when COSATU declares that its positions are non-negotiable.
Mandela then admitted that it had been wrong to put forward Gear as non-negotiable. This elicited a resounding response from congress delegates.
"It is wrong for the ANC to present its own positions as non-negotiable, even while exercising its broader responsibilities in government," Mandela said to wild applause. "Like any policy, it (Gear) is not cast in stone."
While the Alliance is still a long way off from reaching agreement on macro-economic strategy, Mandela’s address began to lay the basis for agreement on what the objectives of such a strategy should be.
"Our starting point must be the need to ensure that we produce the resources to achieve the goals of reconstruction and development; to use them to the greatest effect to improve the lives of our people, especially the poor; and to adopt the policies which promote the achievement of those goals," he said.
As agreed at the Alliance Summit, macro-economic strategy must be measured against the objective needs of transformation and the real constraints the country faces, Mandela added.
But the road to consensus is not going to be easy. "Any proposed elaboration or modification must find justification in changes in objective conditions and not merely in a desire for agreement or in a sectoral drive to satisfy narrow self-interest," he warned.
COSATU would like to see an ANC government with a "working class bias" and many oppose the idea of the ANC as a "neutral referee" between competing interests. Mandela did not address this issue directly. But he did say the following: "While our measuring-rod must always be improvement of the lives of the poor, democracy dictates that any such decisions must be with the involvement of all major sectors of our society, including business and labour."
Mandela pointed to a number of dilemmas arising from what he called "the competing nature of some goals, from the multiplicity of interests not only among the former victims of apartheid in general, but also within the ranks of the poor, including the organised and the unorganised; the employed and the unemployed; as well as rural and urban communities".
Such dilemmas and hard choices had delayed the Basic Conditions of Employment Bill, Mandela said. This had brought into bolder relief the debate about our reading of the current situation and the route we should adopt towards the common objectives of a democratic, caring and prosperous society. But he was confident that a compromise acceptable to all sectors would be found.
COSATU has frequently complained about "jobless growth" and the president conceded this. "We have been more successful in turning the economy around and generating growth than we have been in creating jobs," he said, adding that the Labour Market Commission proposal to convene a national jobs summit had been accepted.
Mandela said he was confident about the country’s economic future, because the fundamentals were in place and that the Alliance bears a large responsibility for dealing with these challenges.
The Alliance has a mission to lead not only its own constituencies but the whole of society in the building of a new nation founded on a partnership of all social sectors.
"The structures of the Alliance must not fail us," Mandela said. "The processes set in motion at the recent Alliance Summit should ensure that all of us make a decisive contribution in charting the way forward into the 21st century."
Organised workers have the deepest interest in deepening and consolidating this phase of the national democratic revolution, acting SACP national chairperson Blade Nzimande told the congress.
Like ANC president Nelson Mandela, Nzimande praised COSATU for its role in the victory over apartheid and pointed to key advances made since the 1994 democratic breakthrough.
These advances included the disintegration of the old apartheid ruling bloc, as expressed in the crisis facing virtually all opposition parties.
"However," Nzimande warned, "the crisis in the ranks of the opposition does not automatically translate into our strengths."
There is still a very real threat of counter-revolution to undermine the emerging democratic order, he said. Another threat to consolidating the NDR was the new global world order. However, he cautioned against two mistaken approaches to globalisation — a defeatist attitude which took the current global order as given and an ultra-leftist stance which acted as if there were no international capitalist system dominating the world.
"Our task is to recognise the dominance of the capitalist market worldwide, whilst at the same time developing strategies and alliances to challenge the unjust and inequitable world order".
But the NDR could also face threats from within, Nzimande said. "The swelling of the ranks of the middle and capitalist class, necessary as this is during the current phase, means there is a very real possibility for sections of the previously oppressed to pursue the idea of a non-racial capitalist order."
This could lead to a situation where 30% of the population benefits from the new order while 70% remain outside, subject to the same conditions as under apartheid.
These factors pointed to the intensification of class struggle in the transition to democracy around shaping the nature of post-apartheid society and the state.
"The struggles during the writing of the new constitution, the lock-out clause, the LRA, and the current Basic Conditions of Employment Bill, are essentially about whether a post-apartheid South Africa will be a society or state where the interests of the bourgeoisie are dominant, or a society where the working class and its allies will be the dominant, if not the hegemonic force.
"The capitalist class is trying by all means to use its economic power to shape the nature of a post-apartheid South Africa. Some of the key elements of the struggle by the capitalist class, together with anti-worker and anti-working class elements, include the demonisation of organised workers and their struggles (calling them a ‘labour aristocracy’), and endless attempts to insist that workers ‘must sacrifice’ in the name of patriotism."
Nzimande said the attack on organised workers took various forms:
"Those who see this current phase of our struggle as an opportunity to get rich quickly," said Nzimande, "are threatened by the organised power of employed workers. Their demonisation of legitimate workers’ struggle as ‘counter-revolutionary’ is a cover for their own interests in exploiting the black working class in order to get wealthy as soon as possible."
He noted that those who called for organised workers to make sacrifices, under the guise of "patriotism", are not at the same time calling for the capitalist class to make sacrifices.
"The call for only organised workers to make sacrifices, without calling for the same from white monopoly capital, is essentially a reactionary call for the maintenance of the super-exploitation of the black working class.
"Business has not demonstrated how it intends facilitating the reconstruction and development of our country. Instead business argues that the intensification of capital accumulation will translate into the improvement of the conditions of the workers. This is a lie we must not accept."
"To argue that a general strike against capital is a strike against the democratic government is a deliberate distortion in order to continue to subject employed workers to the conditions under which they have suffered in the period of apartheid colonialism and its capitalist system."
"Organised workers are the leading detachment of the working class and have the organisational capacity and strength to lead the grassroots struggles of the working class.
"The struggles of organised workers are being counterposed to that of the working class, without at the same time having any programme or commitment by the capitalist class to create more jobs. This argument, therefore, amounts to calling upon organised workers not to fight for the betterment of their employment conditions whilst at the same time unemployment increases.
"The realisation of the goals of reconstruction and development is not going to come about through low wages, but through the payment of decent wages and the establishment of decent conditions of employment as a key component of improving overall productivity and meeting the basic needs of the majority of the people of our country.
"If there are any sacrifices to be made, they must come from both sides, labour and capital. The SACP challenges business to demonstrate to us what plans they have to create jobs and invest in socially productive sectors in order to realise the upliftment of the immense majority of our people."
Nzimande said the attempt to consolidate a post-apartheid South Africa as a capitalist country was at the core of these struggles. A key component of this was the massive push by capital for the privatisation of state assets. He said the SACP’s view was that private capital could never address the basic needs of the majority of the people.
"There is no evidence that private capital can address the scale of needs, inequalities and poverty characteristic of developing countries. Therefore, we should resist privatisation as a strategy for meeting the basic needs of our people.
"Our call, and that of the Alliance as a whole, is for a strong, interventionist state and, where necessary, for such a state to strengthen and transform existing parastatals or, where necessary, to create new ones in order to achieve the goals of the RDP.
"We do not want a neutral or a regulatory state, but a national democratic and developmental state. The question is not whether to privatise or not, but how best to meet the needs of our people during a phase where capital is powerful and dominant."
On Gear, Nzimande said the SACP’s central committee, after a year of reflection, discussion and debate, as well as interaction with Alliance partners, had come out in opposition to Gear.
But Nzimande said the Alliance could not spend another year on the macro-economic debate. "We believe that the last Alliance Summit, and President Mandela’s own remarks to this COSATU congress, that no policy is cast in stone, set us on a new path to find one another on this question."
"The SACP calls for the development of an industrial strategy aimed at identifying key industrial sectors for development. This must simultaneously address the basic needs of our people and create jobs. It is only within this context that we must develop a macro-economic model that underpins and strengthens such a developmental strategy.
"An industrial strategy should be premised upon the central RDP assumption that there can be no sustainable economic growth that is not centred on addressing the development needs of our country. Any macro-economic strategy therefore should be aimed at reinforcing such a job-creating industrial strategy, rather than the other way round."
The significance of the recent Alliance Summit, Nzimande told delegates, was the agreement that key policy measures would be decided jointly by the Alliance. "There are no sacred cows in terms of policy pursued by government or any Alliance partner during this period," he said.
"This renewed commitment not only to the Alliance but to tackling problems and key policy issues together, puts the Alliance on a very firm footing in the right direction.
He said those who want to see the Alliance breaking up would be disappointed. "The reason why these forces want the working class and its organs to be separated from the ANC is because they ultimately want to weaken both the ANC and this government, thus frustrating the consolidation and deepening of the NDR. Those in the ranks of the Alliance who are calling for the break-up of the Alliance are playing right into the hands of our enemies.
"The ANC is a broad movement that belongs to us all. The ANC equally belongs to the working class, organised workers and communists, just as it belongs to all other democrats who believe in the deepening and consolidation of the NDR."
Nzimande said tensions in the Alliance should not lead to calls for its break-up, but rather a focus on how to strengthen it, including making the voice of the workers stronger within the ANC.
Referring to attempts to discredit the September Commission Report for being vague about what it means by socialism, Nzimande said this was nothing but convenient political amnesia and a ploy to say there is no alternative to capitalism.
He referred to very rich post-Soviet Union debates about the renewal of socialism, starting with Cde Joe Slovo’s "Has socialism failed?". The September Commission Report also engaged in a very creative way about the paths to socialism, including the creation of social capital and the building of a truly socialised economy where mass formations play a leading role in economic control and reconstruction.
Socialism, Nzimande said, meant:
"Socialism means an effective redistribution of a country’s resources under the custodianship of the working class and a state led by the working class itself. The fact that Eastern-European socialism failed, does not mean that socialism has failed. Rather it calls upon us socialists worldwide, and particularly in South Africa, to learn from those errors without departing from our goal of bringing capitalism to an end."
Capitalism had failed dismally to address the needs of the overwhelming majority of the people, and even more so in the developing world, Nzimande said.
"The struggle for socialism starts during this present period, not in some future," he added. "The consolidation of the NDR should lay the basis for a transition to socialism. Hence the SACP’s slogan ‘Socialism is the future, build it now’.
But Nzimande said socialism would not come about through endless theoretical debates but through concrete struggles by the working class and its allies.
"Therefore our task is to go out and do agitational work amongst organised workers, the working class and the mass of our people. The consolidation of the NDR in favour of the working class and the bringing about of socialism depends on the balance of forces and the acceptance of socialism by the mass of the people on the ground. It is an organisational task.
"This calls for the organised workers to resolve once and for all to build the SACP as the political weapon of the working class. Organised workers cannot, on their own, take the struggle against the bosses to its logical political conclusion — the defeat of capitalism — unless organised and united as a political force, together with the rest of the working class."
Congress has taken COSATU's unwavering commitment to socialism a step further with a resolution to develop a socialist programme along with other socialist forces and to fight for a range of measures to build socialism now.
"Contrary to those who believe we should accept a capitalist agenda, we intend to relentlessly criticise the failures of capitalism in our country," said general secretary Mbhazima Shilowa speaking at a press conference after the congress.
"Together with the SACP and, where appropriate with the ANC, we will engage in public programmes that outline our views on socialism. It is not socialism that has failed our country, but capitalism under the stewardship of big capital and the National Party."
Congress delegates motivated for COSATU to go beyond mere rhetorical support for COSATU's alliance partner, the SACP. They encouraged affiliates to make monthly contributions to the Party and to set up workplace Party units. Contributions and cooperation with the SACP would include financial support as well as joint projects and programmes with the SACP.
A SADTU delegate said many affiliates had adopted resolutions to build the Party. "It is now time to move to translate this into concrete action. We must actualise this now," he said.
"We can no longer pay lip service, let’s build the Party," he said. This would benefit workers, as union contributions to the Party would in turn bolster our own cadres in the trade union movement.
The SACP required a strong resource base to ensure that it played a leading role in the national democratic revolution. "This should be developed and initiated by workers," said SADTU.
"We need to ensure that the SACP, as a revolutionary working class party, is sustainable," added a NUM delegate.
Motivating for workplace SACP units, a FAWU delegate said these would help sharpen the thinking and ideology of the working class.
A resolution passed unanimously at the congress said COSATU faced the challenge of translating its commitment to socialism into a practical and understandable programme. "While this is clearly no easy task, our commitment to socialism is unwavering," the resolution said.
While South Africa had a democratic state, economic power was still largely in the hands of a minority.
The main strategic opponent of the working class remained domestic and international monopoly capital. COSATU's ultimate objective was the transfer of political and economic power to the working class.
"COSATU must develop strategies which engage both the state and capital for the improvement of the material conditions of the majority, while developing a long-term vision of a socialist society," the resolution said.
It outlined a range of "building blocks towards socialism", which it said should form part of a broader socialist programme. The congress agreed that COSATU should play a role in formulating such a programme, along with other socialist forces. This programme would outline the short and long-term demands, the strategy and tactics and the key social forces to achieve socialism, as well as the type of socialism being fought for.
In developing a socialist programme, it was agreed that COSATU should educate and mobilise the working class about the importance of their role and contribution in realising socialism.
The congress emphasised the need for COSATU to deepen its relationship with the SACP as "a political party with a socialist vision". The two Alliance partners should develop a common vision of a socialist programme. Such a programme would include a Conference of Left forces.
In addition, COSATU and the SACP should develop "mass media instruments which give an alternative view of society, international issues and provide an outlet for socialist intellectual debate".
The federation should develop its links with "credible socialist organisations nationally and internationally in order to challenge capital on a global front", the congress resolved.
COSATU's short- and long-term policies must be underpinned by an ideological vision of a socialist society and the creation of a socialist state, said the COSATU congress resolution on the struggle for socialism.
"This means COSATU has the responsibility to begin building socialism now." The federation needs to fight for building blocks towards socialism, including:
One of the obstacles to fundamental transformation that COSATU identified is a failure by the ANC and the Tripartite Alliance to effectively drive policy formulation and implementation.
"One of the critical problems," said the COSATU secretariat report to congress, "is the fact that the formulation of policies — in certain areas such as the economy, housing, transport and others — has been driven by technocrats, the bureaucracy and ministries.
"The ANC and the Alliance more broadly has found itself dealing with these policies as they emerge, rather than driving their development. The result is that we often have to react to policies which are directly opposed to the thrust of the platform outlined in the RDP."
The introduction of Gear was the most serious example of this problem, the report said.
President Nelson Mandela, in his address to the congress, conceded that there hadn’t been sufficient consultation in the Alliance prior to Gear’s announcement. Even the ANC only learnt of Gear when it was already complete, he said.
In addressing the problem, the congress resolved that the Alliance should be restructured so that "the ANC in government is subject to the political control of the ANC party structure and guided by the policies of the Tripartite Alliance".
This approach has already underpinned COSATU's engagement on issues such as the Basic Conditions of Employment Bill. The federation has been seeking agreement on the Bill within the Alliance and proposed that the Bill be taken to parliament where it believes it will receive a sympathetic hearing from ANC MPs.
Addressing the issue of COSATU's relationship to the government, the congress resolved that this should be based on COSATU advancing working class interests. "This means that we should support the government when it adopts progressive policies and oppose it when it advances policies that are against the interests of workers."
The accountability of political representatives has also been of great concern to COSATU.
Addressing the issue of former COSATU leaders released onto the ANC’s election lists for national and provincial legislatures, the Secretariat Report said they were not homogenous.
"While some of them have been active in maintaining dynamic contact with the federation and in supporting pro-worker positions, others have been hopeless to say the least...
"At the same time," the report said, "many ANC MPs and MPLs who were never part of COSATU have actively supported our positions. We must therefore avoid adopting a narrow approach in addressing this question."
In line with this approach, the congress resolved that COSATU should:
In addition, COSATU and its affiliates should coordinate their activities to engage with the parliamentary process at national, provincial and local level.
NEDLAC is a terrain of struggle and should be defended since it constitutes a deepening of democracy and recognition of organised labour’s central role in social and economic transformation, congress resolved.
"NEDLAC was born out of our struggle to involve workers and society in the formulation of policies which directly affect them, particularly on social and economic issues," said a resolution on ‘relations and attitude to the present government’ drawn largely from proposals in COSATU's secretariat report.
"NEDLAC's composition and character means that it contains many contradictions and is a terrain of struggle. It is an institution that we should defend," the resolution said.
The congress also agreed that NEDLAC should not be counter-posed to parliamentary democracy, adding that NEDLAC negotiations did not substitute parliament’s responsibility to legislate. At the same time, parliament needs to be sensitive to agreements reached in the tripartite body.
"To ensure a dynamic and interactive relationship between parliament and NEDLAC, parliamentary committees should be briefed and have open access to all processes."
Where appropriate, parliamentary committees should engage in discussions on issues while they are under discussion in NEDLAC. This would help broaden participation in debates.
To ensure NEDLAC's potential for organised labour is fully exploited, COSATU should regularly assess and review its performance against criteria set out at its 1996 policy conference.
The congress mandated the federation to convene a workshop of senior leadership to develop a strategy to involve its regions and locals in the NEDLAC process.
Delegates at COSATU's congress unanimously resolved that, despite its weaknesses, the Tripartite Alliance remains the only vehicle capable of bringing about fundamental transformation in South Africa.
Despite seemingly tireless media speculation about a split in the Alliance, a resolution on the matter was one of the congresses’ least controversial. There was broad agreement on the need to strengthen the Alliance and to develop a clear transformation programme for the Alliance.
While Alliance relations a year ago had reached a low point following the government’s unilateral introduction of Gear, a recognition of the Alliance’s strategic role in the country’s transformation has never been at issue.
Yes, there have been weaknesses, which were highlighted at the congress: the lack of a common programme to drive governance and the transformation process and a lack of accountability and coordination within the Alliance.
But for COSATU this translated into a greater resolve to overcome the problems. Following an in-depth discussion in its central executive committee, COSATU released a discussion document on a programme for the Alliance in November last year. The document argued for an agreement within the Alliance on strategic areas to drive transformation. This was widely circulated and discussed within the federation and was later adopted by COSATU's executive committee. This process clearly laid the basis for the broad consensus on the issue among congress delegates.
In addition, a series of high-level Alliance Summits since April this year have begun to lay the basis for a common approach on how to propel transformation.
The congress resolved to take forward the most recent Alliance Summit decisions. This included agreement on the need for a broad transformation agenda which should deal with:
According to the resolution, this will provide the basis for engagement to continuously shift the power balance in favour of the democratic forces and prepare for victory in the 1999 elections.
Delegates also agreed that COSATU needs a plan to revitalise the Alliance. This would entail:
Echoing a common theme throughout the political discussions, the congress resolved that "COSATU and its affiliates should consciously organise workers to engage in Alliance structures at all levels to ensure a working class bias prevails in the Alliance’s programme and policies".
COSATU's commitment to the Alliance should be coupled with vigorous defence of the federation’s political independence. "Partners must fearlessly but constructively criticise each other," the congress resolved.
COSATU's organisational muscle and resources could provide a vital boost for the ANC’s 1999 election campaign. With the next general elections a mere 18 months away, Congress resolved that the Alliance should develop an election platform which would include agreement on a candidates list process as well as key policies for an election manifesto.
The Alliance should also look into financial resources for the election campaign, electioneering support for the ANC at workplaces and in communities as well as implementation and review structures for governance policies.
At a post-congress press briefing, general secretary Mbhazima Shilowa said a strategy would soon be developed to focus on KwaZulu Natal and the Western Cape, as well as consolidate those areas which voted overwhelmingly for the ANC in the 1994 elections.
The Congress mandated COSATU's newly constituted Central Committee (CC) to finalise a proposal for the election platform. The CC is now the federation’s highest decision-making body in between national congresses.
COSATU has agreed in principle to deploy its most capable leaders to stand for election to ANC leadership positions as a way of strengthening the Tripartite Alliance and to ensure working class leadership of the ANC and the broader transformation process.
Delegates recalled the 1991 COSATU congress "two hats debate" about whether COSATU leaders should also occupy key leadership positions in organisations such as the ANC.
Everybody agreed that no leader should take two full-time positions in Alliance organisations. There was also broad agreement on the need for members and leaders to participate in building Alliance and MDM organisations and to stand for election at local and regional level.
But should COSATU allow its "best cadres", including its national office bearers, to stand for election to positions in the ANC, SACP and other MDM organisations, including the ANC’s national executive committee (NEC)?
A NUMSA delegate fired the first salvo in the debate: "COSATU can’t allow a situation where the general secretary of COSATU can be elected to the NEC of an organisation which has embraced Gear while COSATU has rejected Gear," he said.
"We require our senior leadership, when they go to Alliance meetings, to be independent and to espouse positions mandated by COSATU. When senior leadership are in leadership positions in both organisations, it poses problems of mandate and accountability.
"There is a difference with local and regional office bearers. But at a national level, we are dealing with macro-economic issues, where the independence of the labour movement is at stake. It would be a mistake to allow senior leadership into those positions."
But most affiliates — as well as SACP and ANC delegates at the congress — disagreed with this position. Speaker after speaker appealed for working class leadership of the ANC and the Alliance as central to the country’s transformation. This couldn’t be achieved from the periphery. It meant working class involvement at every level of the Alliance, including deploying top COSATU leaders into the ANC’s leadership structures.
SACP deputy general secretary Jeremy Cronin said the issue was how the SACP and other socialist forces should assert the independence of working class organisations while at the same time maintaining the leadership of working class ideas.
Asserting the importance of the ANC as the leading force in this phase of the struggle, he said it was an open secret that different social forces within the ANC would actively contest their views — and the ANC NEC elections.
The ANC represented a broad range of patriotic forces, including Contralesa, former DP elements and the newly emerging patriotic bourgeoisie. "They too have a right to contest their views," he said.
"So it cannot be that COSATU, in the name of working class purity, won’t contest the ANC. We can’t allow the direction of the ANC to chance. That is not working class leadership. That is refusing to take working class leadership," Cronin said.
Responding to fears that COSATU would be swallowed up within the Alliance, he said COSATU was the largest, best resourced and most well-organised formation within the Alliance.
"We strongly urge COSATU to reaffirm the position adopted at the 1991 congress and implement this in practice and at every level — not exclusive working class but working class leadership of the Alliance and to carry their experience into all levels of the Alliance."
NUM’s Gwede Mantashe agreed. Refusing to deploy working class leaders was the best way of confining the working class struggle into an "oppositionist" role.
"Who will put in place those building blocks for socialism?" he asked, referring to an earlier resolution on socialism.
"You can’t play a vanguard role from the periphery. COSATU must deploy its cadres to whatever structures (are key to transformation), including the ANC."
NEHAWU president Vusi Nhlapo reiterated the call for the congress to implement the 1991 resolution to build the Alliance to transform the country in the interests of the working class. And this meant deploying worker leaders into the formations of the Alliance.
Nhlapo said it was a contradiction that COSATU leaders were allowed to sit on the SACP’s leadership structures but not on the highest structures of the ANC.
COSATU general secretary Mbhazima Shilowa and president John Gomomo were elected to the ANC national executive committee in 1994 but resigned following a COSATU executive committee decision. Both Shilowa and Gomomo remain SACP central committee members.
"We as workers have left the ANC to be taken over by people who are not necessarily friendly to workers," Nhlapo said. "We created the space for Gear to be adopted by opting out of ANC structures.
"Who will put the working class position in the ANC if not workers themselves?"
"It is critical for us as workers to engage with the ANC," said a PPWAWU delegate. "We need to shape and contest the ANC to ensure that it remains working