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Table of Contents
1. Overview
At the Sixth National Congress we developed a set of international priorities for COSATU. We defined the role that we should play as a full global player in the trade union movement. We endorsed the recommendation for affiliation to the ICFTU and decided on measures to make this participation meaningful. We also decided to strengthen our region, the continent, the South and the international trade union movement as a whole. Finally, we pledged solidarity with sister federations and their people who suffer repression and oppression.
It is an honour that, soon after affiliating to world bodies, COSATU has been asked to host their conferences. In 1998 we hosted the Fifth Congress of the Southern African Trade Union Coordinating Council (SATUCC); in 1999 we hosted the Seventh Conference of the Organisation of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU); in 1999 we hosted the inaugural conference of the Southern Initiative on Globalisation and Trade Union Rights (SIGTUR) and the Commonwealth Trade Union Council (CTUC) that took place side by side with the Commonwealth Heads of Governments. In 2000 we hosted the 17 Conference of International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU). In all the bodies to which we are affiliated, we are represented in the most important policy structure.
This experience demonstrates the high esteem and confidence in which the international union movement holds COSATU. Our labour movement forms a critical catalyst in shaping the world landscape. At the ICFTU conference in Durban, which was only the first such congress we attended, we were able to lead wide-ranging debates on issues like the millennium review, trade unionism in the 21st century, gender issues, the future of young workers, and so on.
The main weakness in our international policy remains the relatively poorly developed relationship with labour in African unions compared to those in Europe. We therefore have a deliberate programme to build relationships with genuinely independent African unions, whose rich traditions are consistent with ours. We need to copy the experience we had with Nigeria, where a high-powered delegation including our National Office Bearers held a bilateral to share experiences, exchange of policies, and hatch ideas for our common good.
2. International Confederations
COSATU decided to affiliate to the ICFTU in 1997. We aimed to work with other progressive forces to transform the confederation to fight for a new world system based on solidarity and equity, with worker and human rights as the cornerstone.
We had the honour of hosting the 17 World Congress of the ICFTU, which took place in Durban on April 3-7, 2000. The congress was a huge success. The leadership as well as individual affiliates of the ICFTU praised us on the practical arrangements. We used the congress to network and consolidate bilateral relations with a number of our long-time friends as well as building new relationships. Since many delegates were there, we will not give a detailed report here.
The Congress resolutions are progressive and reflect the continuing and deepening shift in the ICFTU, as well as the general mood amongst working people globally. A strategic issue is to define our input into the millennium debate that was launched at the congress.
The COSATU General Secretary was elected as substitute for Feckson Shamenda, the new President of the ICFTU; to the Executive Board; and as a titular member of the Steering Committee and the Economic and Social Committee of the ICFTU. COSATU is the first substitute to the women committee and the youth committee, and a member of the millennium review committee.
In spite of the success of the Congress, it will clearly take longer to influence the ideological orientation, established cultures and manner of doing things in the ICFTU.
At the same time, the influence of the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) has continued to weaken. Although we are uncomfortable with the type of affiliate the WFTU now attracts, it remains progressive. COSATU must strengthen linkages with the WFTU whilst working towards closer working relations and eventual unity amongst all international labour federations.
3. The African labour movement
Our participation in OATUU has not improved since the Sixth Congress. We still relate to it essentially by attending structural meetings. Joyce Phekane, our Second Vice President, is Vice President of OATUU.
We hosted the Seventh OATUU congress in Johannesburg in October 1999. A number of very important resolutions were passed by the Congress. COSATU played a central role in ensuring that one of these captured the key challenges facing the union movement in the continent, and spelling out its role in Africa’s renewal. A resolution was taken that all African workers should demonstrate against the continued existence of military juntas in a number of countries. We had a limited demonstration of support for this call between April 10-12, 2000.
We also participated in the Labour and Social Affairs Commission. Our interventions are not always strategic, however, as we have not consistently prioritised our aims or ensured continuity.
Unfortunately, OATUU remains extremely weak. At the congress held in South Africa not more than 15 of the affiliated national centres had paid their fees. Amongst those that do pay, about half are subsidised by their governments. At the recent general council only five affiliates were paid up. As a result, OATUU has no resources to coordinate its activities. It relies on governments, some of which have questionable records on workers’ and human rights.
The OATUU leadership is still at odds with our position on the incorporation of fundamental worker rights into the world trading system. At the Third Ministerial Conference of the WTO in Seattle last year, OATUU, together with some African NGOs, publicly distanced itself from our position on worker rights. This caused us considerable embarrassment and resentment.
The co-existence of ICFTU-AFRO and OATUU is an issue that unions on the continent must resolve. Both forums involve largely the same unions. Can we afford two organisations that serve the same constituency? The organisations themselves must take bold resolves; in addition, COSATU must provide leadership to ensure that unity becomes a reality.
At the same time, because OATUU has a strategic position, including in the OAU, we need to find ways to strengthen it. A primary task is to build its regional structures so that programmes filter down to member organisations. Other weaknesses affect the organising, administration and education programmes. Only SATUCC is functioning reasonably well.
3.1.1 The African Regional Organisation (AFRO) of the ICFTU
We are now members of African Regional Organisation – AFRO-ICFTU. We participate in its activities, including seminars and workshops. We have influenced the quality of debates and helped strengthen ICFTU-affiliated unions in the continent. Since the overwhelming majority of national centres in Africa now belong to the ICFTU, there is now very little difference in attendance of OATUU and AFRO.
3.1.2 SATUCC
Our participation in SATUCC activities has improved. This is the African labour confederation where, because of both geographical and historical links, real worker-to-worker solidarity is strongest. For example, in 1997, COSATU and OTM of Mozambique blockaded the borders of the repressive Swazi regime for a whole day. We hosted SATUCC’s Congress in November 1998, in which COSATU and its General Secretary were elected president.
Like OATUU, SATUCC needs to reduce its dependence on donors. To secure its future, we must help develop programmes toward self-sufficiency. In addition, SATUCC has to find ways to influence the process of regional integration. Exchange programmes to strengthen organising, administration and education will be critical in building strong unions in Southern Africa.
4. Other South-South initiatives
We are among the founders of SIGTUR. We are now trying to consolidate this south-south initiative both in Southern Africa and Latin America.
COSATU hosted the last SIGTUR conference in 1999. The conference developed a programme to strengthen regional structures. It agreed to a minimum programme, and we will evaluate implementation in Korea at the end of 2000.
The ICFTU Congress was used to bring on board some of the ITSs as well as more unions that share SIGTUR interests. It helped us bring on board Brazil's CUT. At the same time, it helps us identify and work with unions with a similar position on the ICFTU.
COSATU also participates in a trilateral with CUT and the Korean union federation. These relationships provide a platform for debate and principled agreement, especially in multilateral forums such as the ILO, the campaign against multinationals, and so on.
The issue of whether we should extend this co-operation to the Nigerian Labour Congress, the Canadian Labour Congress and FNV has emerged. There has also been discussion on the role of the FES (DGB).
5. Bilaterals in Southern Africa and Africa
Without exception, we continue to enjoy good relations with all unions in the region. This relationship is mainly through our work in SATUCC. We must do more to build worker-to-worker bilateral relationships in our region as a major priority.
We continue to enjoy good bilateral relations with the SFTU of Swaziland, the ZCTU of Zambia and of Zimbabwe, BFTU of Botswana, OTM of Mozambique, MLC of Malawi and NUNW in Namibia.
We must still consolidate relationships with the Mauritius Labour Congress, UNTA in Angola, the Ghana TUC, the Tunisian UCTT, and unions in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
6. Other bilateral relations
Since the last Congress, we have sought a coherent approach to our relationship with Cuba’s CTC. We subsequently organised a bilateral with the Cuban delegation to South Africa in which the affiliates were actively involved. These bilaterals expected to take place on an annual basis. In 1999, because of the national elections and the Special Congress, we could not organise the return leg in Cuba. We have started planning for a bilateral in November 2000.
The Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) is proving to be an extremely important ally in our vision of a stronger African union movement. In August 1999, its president addressed our Special National Congress. We sent a senior delegation to Nigeria to consolidate this relationship in January 2000. A second delegation from the NLC visited us in May.
Since the election of the current U.S. AFL-CIO leadership, our relationship has grown by leaps and bounds. At the WTO’s Third Ministerial Conference, the AFL-CIO mobilised thousands of workers to demand amongst other things the inclusion of worker’s rights in the multilateral trading system. They also organised a very successful demonstration for cancellation of the debt of the developing countries during the annual meetings of the IMF and the World Bank.
COSATU and the AFL-CIO have organised conferences to share information on a range of issues, including HIV/Aids education, multinational corporations and the debt trap of the South countries. We also used the ICFTU congress to solidify our friendship.
We have maintained our relation with the Italian CISL. This federation helped us set up the CDC. Since the CDC must now become self-sustaining, we are currently engaged in an exercise to define its future. At the ICFTU Congress, we were able to discuss this issue. We also maintain a link with the CGIL, and managed to re-establish contact with the UIL at the ICFTU Congress.
We do not have structured co-operation with the French CGT. We do, however communicate regularly and exchange information, and see it as a key organisation for future work. We also plan to strengthen links with the CFDT and the FO.
The Nordic labour movement has provided unwavering support to COSATU since our founding. The strength of our relations has grown from the time of the anti-apartheid struggle to that of reconstruction. We have several joint programs, including on women and gender development, HIV/Aids, etc.
We have a similarly strong relationship with the Dutch FNV. In March/April, a delegation led by its president visited many of our structures and assessed the potential for new co-operative work.
We have strengthened our links with the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) over the last few years, with the CLC becoming an important partner in the NLC/COSATU bilateral. We plan to regularise the relationship we have with the NLC and the CLC so as to improve co-ordination. At our recent trilateral in Durban, we proposed obtaining funds to strengthen our co-operation and build trade unionism in Africa in the years ahead.
We have maintained our co-operation with the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU), and are now entering into a co-operation agreement on HIV/Aids. Actu has always been at the cutting edge of strengthening the South-South union relationship. We regularly exchange data and take up campaigns against multinationals like Rio Tinto. They continue to be a valuable and reachable partner.
Finally, we are trying to strengthen relationships with the German DGB; the Indian All India Federation of Trade Unions; Austria’s OGB; Nepal’s GEFONT; Portugal’s CGTP-IN; the British TUC; and the Filipino KMU.
7. Solidarity
In the post-apartheid period, a task for our union movement is to reciprocate solidarity to other oppressed people of the world, particularly in Africa. Military dictatorships and feudal oligarchies are trampling the rights of millions of people, including freedom of expression, movement and association and other fundamental union and human rights.
In Africa, military dictatorships are pervasive, undermining our initiative and efforts to build strong unions. They are growing despite the call for social, economic and political renewal of Africa. Amongst the countries ruled by military dictators are Comoros, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Congo-Brazzaville, Democratic Republic of Congo, Togo, Ethiopia, Ivory Coast, Niger, Burundi, Gambia, Chad, Rwanda, Sudan, and Burkina Faso.
We have launched a campaign for the restoration of democracy as a practical contribution to the African renaissance. Ours is not boardroom and intellectual gymnastics. We want to see the working class in the driving seat of the Renaissance movement.
Swaziland has been our major focus, although our campaign has not transcended periodic marches and blockades. We should find ways of building an international platform of overarching solidarity, rather than doing it alone. The last Congress laid a basis for using combined international labour action. To succeed, we need to lobby for the programme in international trade union forums.
The bilateral between the Cuban CTC and COSATU must still come to fruition by forging a concrete solidarity programme against imperialism and the blockade against Cuba. Here, too, we need to transcend periodic protests against the U.S. embassy. We will work closely with the Friends of Cuba Society (FOCUS) in order to add impetus to its programme.
8. International Labour Organisation
Over the last three years, COSATU has significantly strengthened its overall participation in the ILO, whose work has taken on new energy and relevance. The global economic crisis of 1996 created doubts about the policies of deregulation and liberalisation, and the ILO has been able to occupy this space to advance the social justice agenda. The campaign for a link between trade and labour standards has focussed attention on core worker rights in the global economy.
8.1.1 Declaration on core rights
In 1998, the ILO adopted a Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, which set out four core areas of worker’s rights that should apply to all countries, irrespective of whether they have ratified ILO Conventions or their level of economic development. These rights are:
freedom of association and the right to effective collective bargaining;
no forced labour;
no child labour;
no discrimination in employment and occupation.
The follow-up machinery, however, was weak: an annual discussion at the June Conference of the ILO, based on a survey of one core area of right, with a regular report on the observance of all the core rights. Still, the declaration will give the fundamental rights a much higher global profile. Furthermore, the declaration was passed without any votes against, despite some abstentions. It can thus be promoted as a universally agreed set of rights.
At this stage, these processes have not led to action against countries in flagrant and consistent violation of core rights. In fact, the Declaration itself says that it should not reduce the comparative advantage enjoyed by developing countries. That could imply that if a country's comparative advantage derives from suppression of union rights, it should not be challenged. The Workers Group obviously does not favour this interpretation.
Our strategy needs to be twofold: first, at the WTO, to intensify the campaign for a link between trade and labour rights, and second, at the ILO, to use the Declaration's commitments to expose gross violations of core rights.
8.1.2 Recent Conventions
In 1999, the ILO adopted a Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labour, which prohibits child prostitution and unsafe work performed by children.
In 2000, it adopted a new Convention on Maternity Leave, which provides for maternity leave at two thirds of pay for 14 weeks. The Convention also covers some forms of atypical and informal work. The vote on this convention was 304 for, 22 against, with 116 abstentions; the South African government abstained.
In June 2000, discussions started on a Convention on Safety and Health in Agriculture, with the goal of concluding in June 2001.
8.1.3 Burma/Myanmar
In 1996, the worker delegation at the ILO presented a complaint under article 26 of the ILO Constitution against the government of Myanmar (Burma) for non-observance of the Forced Labour Convention. The ILO set up a Commission of Inquiry in March 1997, which reported in November 1998.
The Commission found evidence of systematic use of forced labour in infrastructure construction, agriculture and logging, military camps and public areas, and portage for the military. Resistance is met with physical abuse, extortion, beatings, torture, rape and murder. Forced labour is widely performed by women, children and the elderly. Porters are often sent ahead in dangerous situations like minefields, and many are killed or injured. In short, it is clear the Myanmar government instigates and tolerates forced labour.
The Commission of Inquiry recommended that the Myanmar legislation that permits forced labour be brought in line with the Forced Labour Convention, which Myanmar has ratified; the practice of forced labour by the military and civilians be stopped immediately; and those responsible for violation of human rights be investigated, prosecuted and punished.
In 1999, the ILO gave Burma a further opportunity to implement the findings of the Commission of Enquiry. The Burmese government responded with arrogant disregard. In June 2000, the ILO finally decided to invoke article 33 of its constitution, which says, "the Governing Body may recommend to the Conference such action as it may deem wise and expedient to secure compliance therewith."
This decision is suspended until November 2000, when the ILO Governing Body will look at progress and if necessary implement the resolution. This is the first time in the history of the ILO that article 33 has been invoked.
Cosatu should campaign for the South African government to apply sanctions against Myanmar.
8.1.4 Colombia
Colombia is a lawless society, where the government has engaged in or allowed brutal anti-labour activities. Since 1987, over 2000 trade union members and officials have been murdered there. In 1997 alone, 156 trade unionists were murdered, nine were targets of attempted murder, nine were kidnapped, 342 were removed against their will, and ten disappeared. Torture is widespread. Government colluded with or ignores these criminal acts, and its labour legislation contravenes ILO Conventions on freedom of association and collective bargaining.
In the words of the Workers Group, Columbia has "a long history of impunity and contempt of the ILO." The ILO has had discussions, resolutions and decisions on Colombia since 1987. In 1998, a prominent labour lawyer, Eduardo Umaño Mendoz, was murdered at his home, and the president of the Human Rights Committee of Medellin was murdered in his office. On May 16, in an attack by paramilitary forces at the oil centre of Barrancabermeja, 12 people were massacred and 34 people disappeared. A strike by oil workers in response received wide support. Thereafter, the Workers Group filed an article 26 complaint with the ILO, which provides for a Commission of Inquiry that could lead to sanctions.
In 1999, Juan Somavia of Chile was appointed as the new DG of the ILO. He became the first DG from the South. At the ILO’s June Conference in 1999, he tabled a report, Decent Work, which set the basis for the organisation’s work in the next few years. Its four strategic objectives are:
To promote and realise fundamental principles and rights at work;
To create greater opportunities for women and men to secure decent employment and income;
To enhance the coverage and effectiveness of social protection for all;
To strengthen tripartism and social dialogue.
The concept of "decent work" attempts to recast the debate on employment. It responds to the call by neo-liberal economists for more jobs instead of better jobs. "Decent work" means we must focus on both increases in employment and improvements in standards. It follows the same principle as COSATU’s call for quality jobs.
In June 1999, the Sactwu General Secretary was elected to the Governing Body of the ILO, nominated by Cosatu and the ICFTU. He had previously served as a replacement for the late comrade Dorothy Mokgalo. He is the worker spokesperson on Multinational Corporations at the ILO.
Cosatu was given the opportunity to lead the global negotiations on human resource development and training. These resulted in conclusions on macro-economic policy, the call for a new financial and social architecture for the global economy, trade union education as part of vocational training, recognition of prior learning, and the need to spread information and communication technologies - including computers – to workers, in order to avoid a "digital divide" in society.
9. REGIONAL TRIPARTITE STRUCTURES
9.1 Employment and Labour Sector in SADC
The employment and labour sector is the most important engagement forum in SADC. Over a number of years, we have tried to use it to make all member states accept collective bargaining. As a critical role player in SATUCC, we are also engaging in a regional integration agreement. But our voice is weakened by the shortcomings of union organisation in the southern Africa.
It is imperative for SATUCC and the ITSs in the region to develop a relationship as the basis for a structured engagement. Workers could then have a unified perspective on the implications of regional integration, especially in the economy.
This process is clearly connected to the international campaign for the creation of quality jobs. Employers want the integration process to accelerate casualisation, contracting out and privatisation. They will use cheap blackmail to say that if workers raise legitimate demands, multinational corporations will transfer their assets to where wages are lower. We need strong worker solidarity, co-operation and intervention to block this strategy.
Because of contention between the social partners, the Employment and Labour Sector could not adopt the draft social charter of fundamental rights. This was a major setback after many years of intense discussion. However, employers refuse despite our efforts. They insisted that a lockout clause should match the right to strike.
In addition, some governments object to the cost of bringing tripartite delegations to the forums. They argue that participants to this body should meet their own expenses. We rejected this as an excuse to minimise the voices in social dialogue. If we let this succeed, other partners - especially unions and business – may not come to engagement forums. That would undermine the future of social dialogue and set a dangerous precedent of survival of the fittest.
9.2 OAU Labour and Social Affairs Commission
We participate in the OAU’s Labour and Social Affairs Commission. We have not, however, always had a strategic or consistent approach.
The commission has set itself the task, amongst others, of improving living conditions in Africa. In this connection, we need to pursue issues in the context of an international platform for continental benefit, that is, the ILC. Projects like Jobs for Africa, which aims to maximise attempts to create employment across Africa, need to find concrete expression in our programme of action. Another important strategy relates to job creation through education and training that skill our people to perform new roles in the economy. The commission supports a world solidarity fund for alleviation of poverty, and research into the causes of and solutions for poverty on the continent.
The commission has also looked at ways to reverse the mass exodus of African nationals. That requires peace and security, democracy and good governance, and minimum social guarantees.
It was agreed that OATUU should intensify its human resource development programme in order to increase African workers’ contribution to economic development. The issue of social dialogue was highlighted as a pressing issue at all levels - nationally, regionally and continentally. The Pan-African Employers Confederation (PEC) should continue to demand tripartism across the continent.
The commission has also looked at issues around women and work, child labour, HIV/AIDS and drugs and arms traffic.
10. WORLD TRADE ORGANISATION
The General Secretaries of COSATU and SACTWU were part of the South African Government’s delegation to the Third Ministerial meeting of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) held in December in Seattle in the United States of America.
The COSATU delegation participated in a number of activities. The COSATU General Secretary addressed an AFL-CIO rally that culminated in a march. He was the only unionist who participated in a WTO panel discussion on trade and development as well as fringe activities on the WTO Secretariat and ICFTU core labour standards and development. Before the conference, the ICFTU held a meeting on core labour standards and the WTO, but we were unable to attend because it clashed with our CEC.
COSATU was the only union with access to the "green room" process discussion on core labour rights. As a result, we acted as the informal link between governments and the ICFTU, and briefed the ICFTU leadership. We also played a critical role in shaping a tactical fallback position for the ICFTU on this issue. The ICFTU General Secretary wrote a letter praising and thanking COSATU for its role.
COSATU and the ICFTU have campaigned on core labour standards for many years now. Although we did not win, we managed to keep the matter on the table for the next WTO meeting. Positions on the issue ranged from Egypt and India, which led a group with complete hostility against labour standards, to pragmatic support combined with extreme sensitivity to those opposed, to defence of the official U.S. and European Union position.
Other issues also divided governments at the WTO. The developing countries led by South Africa, Brazil, Chile and others wanted a new "developmental round" to address the imbalances between developed and underdeveloped and developing countries on trade issues.
Tariff picks caused a huge fight. These measures occur when a government has low average tariffs, but imposes very high tariffs on sensitive sectors in order to protect jobs and build competitive advantage. The U.S. government uses this strategy to protect its steel industry, and the developing countries wanted it to stop. COSATU supports tariff picks in principle, but condemns the U.S. for demanding that all other countries should cut tariffs.
A second fight centred on bringing agriculture into the fold of the WTO. It was pushed by the agriculture-exporting countries as well as the developing countries as a whole. Their target was European governments that still subsidise agriculture heavily – again, to protect both jobs and otherwise non-competitive agriculture in general.
A further issue related to liberalisation of services, including financial services. Currently trade liberalisation is limited to goods. A discussion also arose as to whether the multilateral agreement on investment and procurement policies should form part of the new round.
The Third World Network, which includes OATUU, lobbied to prevent discussion of new issues. This position would have further side-lined the inclusion of core labour standards in trade agreements. We have sent a strong protest letter to OATUU informing them that they were not acting in the interest of workers of Africa or developing countries by associating themselves with this unrepresentative group.
No agreement was reached on any of these contentious issues. A face-saving statement was issued in the last minutes of the final day.
A number of lessons are worth noting.
First, the thousands of workers and other groups occupying the streets in the head-quarters of capitalism - essentially condemning corporate greed - sent a clear message that the days of government and capital talk shop above the heads of ordinary people are coming to the end. It is worth noting that multilateral meetings are increasingly characterised by massive protests by ordinary people in demand of equity, with an end to poverty and the debt of the poor countries. This has been the case at G8 meetings as well as the recent World Economic Forum held in Davos, Switzerland. In this context, it is worth noting that the South African government has been asked to consider hosting the next Ministerial Conference.
Second, the inconclusive end to the Ministerial Conference reflected a shift in the balance of forces. In the past, the U.S. and developed countries would have got everything they wanted on the first day. This time around, a number of developing countries co-ordinated effectively to block this kind of unilateralism.
RECOMMENDATIONS
The work of COSATU inside the ICFTU, SIGTUR, OATUU and other bilateral and multilateral trade unions forums should be based on a strategy to roll back the dominance of capital in the world affairs today.
COSATU must work to intensify the unity of the progressive forces in the union movement as well in social, non-governmental and political formations.
Our work with the SACP at the social commission as well in the Alliance should have an international leg. It should aim at consolidation of all progressive forces to develop an alternative to the Washington consensus and create a new world order based on solidarity, justice, equity, globalisation of human and trade union rights and respect for the environment, with the necessary focus on people centred development.
In line with this vision, the United Nations and its agencies, as well as the IMF and the World Bank, should be restructured
to allow more influence by the developing countries and
to ensure that the focus in the 21st Century is on equitable distribution of the world’s resources to benefit all, with respect for national economic and development policies.
There is only one European trade union centre. Yet in Africa, with fewer resources, we have two continental centres, the regional structure of the ICFTU – AFRO - and indigenous OATUU.
Maintaining the two continental organisations is costly in all respects. Most unions in Africa are now affiliated to the ICFTU and therefore AFRO. In the past there has been a destructive competition between AFRO and OATUU.
COSATU should work towards establishment of a single continental organisation in Africa. The details of the mechanisms and time frames for this process will depend on discussions with the progressive African national centres.
COSATU reiterates its call for the inclusion of the core ILO labour rights to the multilateral trade system. We note the small gains made in Seattle in this regard.
We are displeased that our government, as part of the G77 countries, rejected this proposal. We regard this as a setback and call on the government to desist from sacrificing human and labour rights in the name of equity in the world economic system. Worker and human rights are integral to the goals of equity. No world economic system is sustainable without taking into account human and trade union rights and the environment.
Cosatu should influence the direction of the international trade union movement participating in the icftu’s Millennium Review Committee. In the main, we should address the failure to develop and co-ordinate an international workers’ programme.
Cosatu and its affiliates must no longer pay a lip service to the need to build unity at the home front, that is at the regional and continental level. We must build stronger bilateral relationships with African unions and find ways to express solidarity with those trapped in military juntas or general denial of workers’ rights.
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